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This article discusses the so-called 'Apocalypse' of Carour, a text preserved in a Codex (M586) of the famous Hamuli-find, that originally emanated from the environment of the Pachomian monastic enterprise. It addresses a series of disasters and communal deficiencies through metaphorical imagery and similes that struck the community after the death of its founding father Pachomios. After presenting a few conjectures to the editio princeps and providing a German translation, the 'Apocalypse' is contextualized within the historical and liturgical background of this late antique monastic community. The author asserts that this unique text not only displays the symptoms of disaster, but also gives us new insights into how the Pachomians productively coped with crises. In contrast to modern scholarship, the author argues that the 'Apocalypse' is in fact a prophecy (ex eventu) that was based on an instruction, which was publicly read at the large Easter assembly of the Pachomians, most likely by Horsiesos, the third abbot of the Koinonia. Using the figure of the frog, C(h)arour, to symbolize the biblical plague but also the Egyptian concept of rebirth, the instruction was intended to strengthen group cohesion and especially to prepare the novices that were about to receive their baptism during the Easter celebration for a life devoted to the Koinonia and its principles. To this initial prophecy, which developed an antithesis to the ideal monastic life envisioned by the Pachomians, another text was later added that narrated an unsuccessful attempt to overthrow Apa Besarion, the fifth abbot of the Koinonia. In a much more practical manner this second part of the prophecy elaborated on the same themes while also displaying the resilience of the community in averting crises through remembering and recommitting to its founding precepts. The convoluted text we possess now should therefore be equally viewed as a testament to the communication structures of the Pachomians as well as their memorial culture, which targeted moments of crisis and despair to imbue future generations with the necessary persistence to overcome possible disasters themselves and secure the long-term existence of the Koinonia.
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The Sino-Japanese War of 1894/95 is usually only briefly mentioned in studies on diplomatic history. Especially the war's impact on Wilhelmine foreign and world policy (Weltpolitik) has been largely neglected. However, the events in East Asia had a profound influence on the political leadership in Berlin. The Wilhelmstrasse's attitude towards the conflict changed rapidly when the course of the war in Northeast Asia made a collapse of the Qing Empire increasingly likely. Afraid of the prospect of being left empty handed in an upcoming scramble for China, German diplomacy got active in early 1895. Driven by a hectic activism which soon should become a dominant feature of Weltpolitik, Berlin concluded an ad-hoc alliance with St. Petersburg and Paris. In April 1895, this unlikely coalition intervened against Tokyo. While the Triple Intervention served primarily Russia's interest to maintain the status quo on the Chinese mainland, Germany aimed at the acquisition of a military and commercial base in Northeast Asia. Driven by public opinion, the naval leadership and the Emperor Wilhelm II., the formerly neutral and reserved German diplomacy changed towards an aggressive and unstable imperialist policy, which ultimately resulted in the acquisition of Qingdao in November 1897.
In den Jahren 1930 und 1931 erschütterten zwei Revolten des SA-Führers Walter Stennes die im Dauerwahlkampf stehende NS-Bewegung. Die schnelle Niederschlagung beider Parteikrisen reklamierte die ostdeutsche Schutzstaffel unter Kurt Daluege für sich und verbreitete die Erzählung, Hitler habe die aufstrebende SS mit dem Leitspruch „Meine Ehre heißt Treue“ ausgezeichnet, um ihr für den aufopferungsvollen Einsatz gegen die Rebellen zu danken. Sascha Steger stellt dieses bis heute wirkmächtige Narrativ auf den Prüfstand, analysiert den tatsächlichen Verlauf der Stennes-Revolten und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die SS unter Daluege zwar treu zum „Führer“ stand, aber keine entscheidende Rolle bei der Beendigung der Auseinandersetzung spielte.