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On the evidential use of English adverbials and their equivalents in Romance languages and Russian
(2017)
The present study investigates the use of equivalents of the English adverbials seemingly and apparently with a specific morphological structure in Romance languages and Russian, i.e. Spanish al parecer, Portuguese ao parecer and ao que parece, French avoir l’air de, Italian all’apparenza and in apparenza as well as Russian по-видимому. The underlying hypothesis is that the function and syntactic behaviour of these adverbial locutions are motivated by their morphological composition. It is to investigate whether the adverbials may be used sentence-initially, parenthetically, as an adverbial with broad or narrow scope or as a component of a modalised predication. The adverbial locutions are treated as means of expression where evidentiality and epistemic modality represent overlapping functional-semantic categories.
In recent years, the category of evidentiality has also come into use for the description of Romance languages and of German. This has been contingent on a change in its interpretation from a typological category to a semantic-pragmatic category, which allows an application to languages lacking specialised morphemes for the expression of evidentiality. We consider evidentiality to be a structural dimension of grammar, the values of which are expressed by types of constructions that code the source of information which a speaker imparts. If we look at the situation in Romance languages and in German, drawing a boundary between epistemic modality and evidentiality presents problems that are difficult to solve. Adding markers of the source of the speaker’s knowledge often limits the degree of responsibility of the speaker for the content of the utterance. Evidential adverbs are a frequently used means of marking the source of the speaker’s knowledge. The evidential meaning is generalised to marking any source of knowledge, what can be regarded as a result of a process of pragmaticalisation. The use of certain means which also carry out evidential markings can even contribute to the blurring of the different kinds of evidentiality. German also has modal verbs which in conjunction with the perfect tense of the verb have a predominantly evidential use (sollen and wollen). But even here the evidential marking is not without influence on the modality of the utterance. The Romance languages, however, do not have such specialised verbs for expressing evidentiality in certain contexts. To do this, they mark evidentiality – often context bound – by verb forms such as the conditional and the imperfect tense. This article shall contrast the different architectures used in expressing evidentiality in German and in the Romance languages.
This thesis investigates the processing of non-canonical word orders and whether non-canonical orders involving object topicalizations, midfield scrambling and particle verbs are treated the same by native (L1) and non-native (L2) speakers. The two languages investigated are Norwegian and German.
32 L1 Norwegian and 32 L1 German advanced learners of Norwegian were tested in two experiments on object topicalization in Norwegian. The results from the online self-paced reading task and the offline agent identification task show that both groups are able to identify the non-canonical word order and show a facilitatory effect of animate subjects in their reanalysis. Similarly high error rates in the agent identification task suggest that globally unambiguous object topicalizations are a challenging structure for L1 and L2 speakers alike.
The same participants were also tested in two experiments on particle placement in Norwegian, again using a self-paced reading task, this time combined with an acceptability rating task. In the acceptability rating L1 and L2 speakers show the same preference for the verb-adjacent placement of the particle over the non-adjacent placement after the direct object. However, this preference for adjacency is only found in the L1 group during online processing, whereas the L2 group shows no preference for either order.
Another set of experiments tested 33 L1 German and 39 L1 Slavic advanced learners of German on object scrambling in ditransitive clauses in German. Non-native speakers accept both object orders and show neither a preference for either order nor a processing advantage for the canonical order. The L1 group, in contrast, shows a small, but significant preference for the canonical dative-first order in the judgment and the reading task.
The same participants were also tested in two experiments on the application of the split rule in German particle verbs. Advanced L2 speakers of German are able to identify particle verbs and can apply the split rule in V2 contexts in an acceptability judgment task in the same way as L1 speakers. However, unlike the L1 group, the L2 group is not sensitive to the grammaticality manipulation during online processing. They seem to be sensitive to the additional lexical information provided by the particle, but are unable to relate the split particle to the preceding verb and recognize the ungrammaticality in non-V2 contexts.
Taken together, my findings suggest that non-canonical word orders are not per se more difficult to identify for L2 speakers than L1 speakers and can trigger the same reanalysis processes as in L1 speakers. I argue that L2 speakers’ ability to identify a non-canonical word order depends on how the non-canonicity is signaled (case marking vs. surface word order), on the constituents involved (identical vs. different word types), and on the impact of the word order change on sentence meaning. Non-canonical word orders that are signaled by morphological case marking and cause no change to the sentence’s content are hard to detect for L2 speakers.
Meter and syntax have overlapping elements in music and speech domains, and individual differences have been documented in both meter perception and syntactic comprehension paradigms. Previous evidence insinuated but never fully explored the relationship that metrical structure has to syntactic comprehension, the comparability of these processes across music and language domains, and the respective role of individual differences. This dissertation aimed to investigate neurocognitive entrainment to meter in music and language, the impact that neurocognitive entrainment had on syntactic comprehension, and whether individual differences in musical expertise, temporal perception and working memory played a role during these processes.
A theoretical framework was developed, which linked neural entrainment, cognitive entrainment, and syntactic comprehension while detailing previously documented effects of individual differences on meter perception and syntactic comprehension. The framework was developed in both music and language domains and was tested using behavioral and EEG methods across three studies (seven experiments). In order to satisfy empirical evaluation of neurocognitive entrainment and syntactic aspects of the framework, original melodies and sentences were composed. Each item had four permutations: regular and irregular metricality, based on the hierarchical organization of strong and weak notes and syllables, and preferred and non-preferred syntax, based on structurally alternate endings. The framework predicted — for both music and language domains — greater neurocognitive entrainment in regular compared to irregular metricality conditions, and accordingly, better syntactic integration in regular compared to irregular metricality conditions. Individual differences among participants were expected for both entrainment and syntactic processes.
Altogether, the dissertation was able to support a holistic account of neurocognitive entrainment to musical meter and its subsequent influence on syntactic integration of melodies, with musician participants. The theoretical predictions were not upheld in the language domain with musician participants, but initial behavioral evidence in combination with previous EEG evidence suggest that perhaps non-musician language EEG data would support the framework’s predictions. Musicians’ deviation from hypothesized results in the language domain were suspected to reflect heightened perception of acoustic features stemming from musical training, which caused current ‘overly’ regular stimuli to distract the cognitive system. The individual-differences approach was vindicated by the surfacing of two factors scores, Verbal Working Memory and Time and Pitch Discrimination, which in turn correlated with multiple experimental data across the three studies.
Age of acquisition (AOA) is a psycholinguistic variable that significantly influences behavioural measures (response times and accuracy rates) in tasks that require lexical and semantic processing. Its origin is – unlike the origin of semantic typicality (TYP), which is assumed at the semantic level – controversially discussed. Different theories propose AOA effects to originate either at the semantic level or at the link between semantics and phonology (lemma-level).
The dissertation aims at investigating the influence of AOA and its interdependence with the semantic variable TYP on particularly semantic processing in order to pinpoint the origin of AOA effects. Therefore, three studies have been conducted that considered the variables AOA and TYP in semantic processing tasks (category verifications and animacy decisions) by means of behavioural and partly electrophysiological (ERP) data and in different populations (healthy young and elderly participants and in semantically impaired individuals with aphasia (IWA)).
The behavioural and electrophysiological data of the three studies provide evidence for distinct processing levels of the variables AOA and TYP. The data further support previous assumptions on a semantic origin for TYP but question the same for AOA. The findings, however, support an origin of AOA effects at the transition between the word form (phonology) and the semantic level that can be captured at the behavioural but not at the electrophysiological level.
„Die Beiträge in diesem Band beleuchten aus verschiedenen Perspektiven die (…) Veränderungen der Sprachwissenschaft im Zuge des linguistic turn. Sie gehen zurück auf ein Festkolloquium zu Ehren des 65. Geburtstages von Joachim Gessinger, das am 25. und 26. Juni 2010 in Potsdam stattgefunden hat. Ziel des Kolloquiums war es, Ansätze, Theoriebildungen und methodische Zugriffe in der Sprachwissenschaft seit dem linguistic turn in den Blick zu nehmen. Diese Frage nach einer Standortbestimmung der sprachwissenschaftlichen Forschung in Deutschland steht auch im Mittelpunkt der nun publizierten Fassung der Beiträge, die von Vertreterinnen und Vertretern ausgewählter Teildisziplinen stammen, die die inhaltliche, theoretische und methodische Ausrichtung ihres Forschungsfeldes reflektieren.“ (Manuela Böhm, Elisabeth Berner & Jürgen Erfurt, OBST 78: S. 13)
Inhalt:
Manuela Böhm, Elisabeth Berner & Jürgen Erfurt: Nach dem Turn ist vor dem Turn. Ein Prolog;
Michael Elmentaler: Zur Pragmatisierung der Sprachgeschichte. Eine Standortbestimmung anhand neuerer Sprachgeschichten des Deutschen;
Ingrid Schröder: Dialekte im Kontakt. Individuelle Ausformungen des Sprachrepertoires;
Bernd Pompino-Marschall: Die rezente Entwicklung in der Phonetik: Vom verbrannten Zeigefinger zu Praat;
Gisbert Fanselow: Kann die Linguistik das Jahr 2024 erleben? Und die Syntax das Jahr 2014?;
Elke Nowak: Nach dem linguistic turn – die neue Wissenschaft von der Sprache und die Sprachen;
Utz Maas: Linguistische Schattenspiele: sprachwissenschaftliche Arbeiten zur Schriftkultur;
Ulrich Schmitz: Linguistica ancilla mediorum? Sprachwissenschaft und Medien 1960-2010: Von kühler Distanz zu teilnehmender Beobachtung & von Textmaterial zu multimodaler Verblendung;
Eduard Haueis: Didaktik und Linguistik: Wie die Modellierung sprachlichen Wissens und Könnens mit dem Bestehenbleiben oder dem Überwinden von Bildungsschranken zusammenhängt;
Joachim Gessinger: Vor dem linguistic turn. Ein Epilog
In this thesis sentence processing was investigated using a psychophysiological measure known as pupillometry as well as Event-Related Potentials (ERP). The scope of the the- sis was broad, investigating the processing of several different movement constructions with native speakers of English and second language learners of English, as well as word order and case marking in German speaking adults and children. Pupillometry and ERP allowed us to test competing linguistic theories and use novel methodologies to investigate the processing of word order. In doing so we also aimed to establish pupillometry as an effective way to investigate the processing of word order thus broadening the methodological spectrum.
TripleA is a workshop series founded by linguists from the University of Tübingen and the University of Potsdam. Its aim is to provide a forum for semanticists doing fieldwork on understudied languages, and its focus is on languages from Africa, Asia, Australia and Oceania. The second TripleA workshop was held at the University of Potsdam, June 3-5, 2015.
It has been long agreed by formal and functional researchers (primarily based on English data) that contrastive topic marking, namely marking a constituent as a contrastive topic via the B-accent/the rising intonation contour) requires the co-occurrence of focus marking via the A-accent/the falling intonation contour (see Sturgeon 2006, and references therein). However, this consensus has recently been disputed by new findings indicating the occurrence of utterances with only B-accent, dubbed as lone contrastive topic (Büring 2003, Constant 2014). In this paper, I argue, based on the data in Vietnamese, that the presence of lone contrastive topic is just apparent, and that the focus that co-occurs with the seemingly lone contrastive topic is a verum focus.
Singular quantified terms
(2016)
In this paper, I discuss the behavior of singular partitives, focusing on Hebrew. I show that group noun-headed singular quantified terms behave essentially different from other singular quantified terms. Specifically, the domain of quantification in the former is a discrete set (the members of the group), while in the latter the domain of quantification is a set of mass entities. I propose a preliminary analysis of singular quantified terms in Hebrew, respecting the properties peculiar to this language as well as the observations about group vs. non-group singular quantified terms. This analysis is based on a novel class of quantifiers I name ’Measure Quantifiers’, which instantiate relations between algebraic sums. Using shifts between algebraic sums, we can represent the different readings of singular and plural individual or group terms.
This paper investigates an unnoticed difference in Mandarin between the Q-adjectives and the gradable adjectives of quality and shows that this observation follows straightforwardly from a theory that differentiates gradable predication of quantity and that of quality (e.g., Rett 2008; Lin 2014; Solt 2015; a.o.).
Recent work in semantics has shown that languages can vary in whether or not they include degrees (that is, elements of type < d >) in their semantic ontology. Several authors have argued that their languages of study lack degrees, including Bochnak (2013) for Washo (isolate, USA), Pearson (2009) for Fijian (Austronesian, Fiji), and Beck, et al. (2009) for Motu (Austronesian, Papua New Guinea). In this paper, I follow the tests proposed in Beck, et al. (2009) to assess the status of degrees in Warlpiri (Pama-Nyungan, Australia).
I use Warlpiri data collected following the Beck, et al. survey to argue that Warlpiri gradable predicates do not combine with a degree argument. (Like many other Australian languages, adjectival concepts like big and small are expressed using nouns in Warlpiri (Dixon 1982, Bittner & Hale 1995, among others). I refer to these lexical items as “gradable predicates” in this paper.) This paper represents a first pass at assessing the status of degrees in an Australian language, which have otherwise been unexamined from the point of view of degree semantics.
The present study addresses the question of how German vowels are perceived and produced by Polish learners of German as a Foreign Language. It comprises three main experiments: a discrimination experiment, a production experiment, and an identification experiment. With the exception of the discrimination task, the experiments further investigated the influence of orthographic marking on the perception and production of German vowel length. It was assumed that explicit markings such as the Dehnungs-h ("lengthening h") could help Polish GFL learners in perceiving and producing German words more correctly.
The discrimination experiment with manipulated nonce words showed that Polish GFL learners detect pure length differences in German vowels less accurately than German native speakers, while this was not the case for pure quality differences. The results of the identification experiment contrast with the results of the discrimination task in that Polish GFL learners were better at judging incorrect vowel length than incorrect vowel quality in manipulated real words. However, orthographic marking did not turn out to be the driving factor and it is suggested that metalinguistic awareness can explain the asymmetry between the two perception experiments. The production experiment supported the results of the identification task in that lengthening h did not help Polish learners in producing German vowel length more correctly. Yet, as far as vowel quality productions are concerned, it is argued that orthography does influence L2 sound productions because Polish learners seem to be negatively influenced by their native grapheme-to-phoneme correspondences.
It is concluded that it is important to differentiate between the influence of the L1 and L2 orthographic system. On the one hand, the investigation of the influence of orthographic vowel length markers in German suggests that Polish GFL learners do not make use of length information provided by the L2 orthographic system. On the other hand, the vowel quality data suggest that the L1 orthographic system plays a crucial role in the acquisition of a foreign language. It is therefore proposed that orthography influences the acquisition of foreign sounds, but not in the way it was originally assumed.
The aim of the present thesis is to answer the question to what degree the processes involved in sentence comprehension are sensitive to task demands. A central phenomenon in this regard is the so-called ambiguity advantage, which is the finding that ambiguous sentences can be easier to process than unambiguous sentences. This finding may appear counterintuitive, because more meanings should be associated with a higher computational effort. Currently, two theories exist that can explain this finding.
The Unrestricted Race Model (URM) by van Gompel et al. (2001) assumes that several sentence interpretations are computed in parallel, whenever possible, and that the first interpretation to be computed is assigned to the sentence. Because the duration of each structure-building process varies from trial to trial, the parallelism in structure-building predicts that ambiguous sentences should be processed faster. This is because when two structures are permissible, the chances that some interpretation will be computed quickly are higher than when only one specific structure is permissible. Importantly, the URM is not sensitive to task demands such as the type of comprehension questions being asked.
A radically different proposal is the strategic underspecification model by Swets et al. (2008). It assumes that readers do not attempt to resolve ambiguities unless it is absolutely necessary. In other words, they underspecify. According the strategic underspecification hypothesis, all attested replications of the ambiguity advantage are due to the fact that in those experiments, readers were not required to fully understand the sentence.
In this thesis, these two models of the parser’s actions at choice-points in the sentence are presented and evaluated. First, it is argued that the Swets et al.’s (2008) evidence against the URM and in favor of underspecification is inconclusive. Next, the precise predictions of the URM as well as the underspecification model are refined. Subsequently, a self-paced reading experiment involving the attachment of pre-nominal relative clauses in Turkish is presented, which provides evidence against strategical underspecification. A further experiment is presented which investigated relative clause attachment in German using the speed-accuracy tradeoff (SAT) paradigm. The experiment provides evidence against strategic underspecification and in favor of the URM. Furthermore the results of the experiment are used to argue that human sentence comprehension is fallible, and that theories of parsing should be able to account for that fact. Finally, a third experiment is presented, which provides evidence for the sensitivity to task demands in the treatment of ambiguities. Because this finding is incompatible with the URM, and because the strategic underspecification model has been ruled out, a new model of ambiguity resolution is proposed: the stochastic multiple-channel model of ambiguity resolution (SMCM). It is further shown that the quantitative predictions of the SMCM are in agreement with experimental data.
In conclusion, it is argued that the human sentence comprehension system is parallel and fallible, and that it is sensitive to task-demands.
The main research question of this thesis concerns the relation between focus interpretation, focus realization, and association with focus in the West Chadic language Ngamo.
Concerning the relation between focus realization and interpretation, this thesis contributes to the question, cross-linguistically, what factors influence a marked realization of the focus/background distinction. There is background-marking rather than focus-marking in Ngamo, and the background marker is related to the definite determiner in the language. Using original fieldwork data as a basis, a formal semantic analysis of the background marker as a definite determiner of situations is proposed.
Concerning the relation between focus and association with focus, the thesis adds to the growing body of crosslinguistic evidence that not all so-called focus-sensitive operators always associate with focus. The thesis shows that while the exclusive particle yak('i) (= "only") in Ngamo conventionally associates
with focus, the particles har('i) (= "even, as far as, until, already"), and ke('e) (= "also, and") do not.
The thesis provides an analysis of these phenomena in a situation semantic framework.
One of the central questions in psycholinguistic is understanding whether and how prosodic phrase boundaries are used to resolve syntactic ambiguities in sentence processing. The present work aimed to answer both, first, the effects of φ- and ι-boundaries on syntactic ambiguity resolution, and second, how the prosodic correlates of the auditory input are taken for the phonetic-phonology mapping in order to attain a meaningful sentence interpretation.
With regard to the first aim, we investigated locally syntactic ambiguities involving either φ- or ι-phrase boundaries in German and the structural preference that listeners have, based on the prosodic content. The experiments described in this work show that German listeners exploit both types of prosodic phrase boundaries to resolve local syntactic ambiguities, that however, their disambiguation altered by the presence or absence of prosodic cues correlated with the corresponding boundary. Specifically, the perception data revealed that the phonetically measured prosodic correlates of each prosodic boundary such as pitch accents, boundary tones, deaccentuation and durational properties do not contribute to ambiguity resolution in equal measure. Rather, it is the case that listeners rely primarily on prefinal lengthening as a correlate of phrasing in the vicinity of φ-phrase boundaries, while at the level of the ι-phrase boundary, boundary tones serve as phrasal cues. This way the results of the present work take account of the as yet missing information on individual contributions of prosodic correlates on listeners’ disambiguation of syntactically ambiguous sentences in German. It further implies that the question of how German listeners resolve syntactic ambiguities cannot simply be attributed to the presence or absence of prosodic correlates. The interpretation of the phrasal structure rather depends on a more general picture of cohesion between prosodic correlates and prosodic boundary sizes.
With respect to the second aim, the processing models proposed in the present work describe a specific phonetics-phonology mapping in the vicinity of both phrase boundaries. It is assumed that auditory sentence processing proceeds in several successively organized steps, during which listeners transform overt phonetic forms into language specific abstract surface forms. This process is referred to as phonetics-phonology mapping in the present work. Perceptual evidence resulting from the experiments of the present work suggest that the phonetics-phonology mapping is guided by the above mentioned boundary related prosodic correlates. The resulting abstract phonological structure is subjected to the syntax-prosody mapping, in turn. The outcome of the presented perception experiments are modulated in an Optimality-Theoretic framework. The offered OT-models are grounded on the assumption that single prosodic correlates are used by listeners as a signal to syntax in sentence processing. This is in line with studies arguing that the prosodic phrase structure determines the syntactic parse (Cutler et al., 1997; Warren et al., 1995; Pynte & Prieur, 1996; Snedeker & Trueswell, 2003; Kjelgaard & Speer, 1999), to name just a few.
Así que als Diskursmarker
(2015)
The present paper discusses Spanish así que (‘so that’) as a discourse marker by means of data that are retrieved from the Corpus del Español. The synchronic study has both a quantitative and a qualitative side. From a quantitative perspective the use of así que as a discourse marker is compared with its use as a conjunction. It is shown that así que as a conjunction is far more frequent. The qualitative analysis focuses on the different procedural meanings of así que: it can be used to introduce a summary, a consequence or an inference, and, on behalf of the interlocutor, even a question. The study furthermore reveals that así que as a discourse marker can well be analysed in terms of adfunctionalization / capitalization, i.e. when an already existing means of expression becomes exploited for wider purposes. In this context, the notions of grammaticalization, lexicalization and pragmaticalization are also briefly discussed.