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Since Harris’ parser in the late 50s, multiword units have been progressively integrated in parsers. Nevertheless, in the most part, they are still restricted to compound words, that are more stable and less numerous. Actually, language is full of semi-fixed expressions that also form basic semantic units: semi-fixed adverbial expressions (e.g. time), collocations. Like compounds, the identification of these structures limits the combinatorial complexity induced by lexical ambiguity. In this paper, we detail an experiment that largely integrates these notions in a finite-state procedure of segmentation into super-chunks, preliminary to a parser.We show that the chunker, developped for French, reaches 92.9% precision and 98.7% recall. Moreover, multiword units realize 36.6% of the attachments within nominal and prepositional phrases.
Syntax
(2007)
Morphology
(2007)
Die vorliegende Arbeit stellt eine kritische Übersicht über den Forschungsstand zu multiplen Wh-Konstruktionen im Slavischen dar. Das Ziel ist es, die Unklarheit der Datenlage und die Widersprüchlichkeit der auf solchen "unklaren" Daten basierten Theorien aufzuzeigen. Inhalt: Historischer Hintergrund (Wachowicz 1974) Einige ältere Ansätze Höhepunkt: die folgenschwere Arbeit von Rudin (1988) Probleme: - Das Problem der Zuverlässlichkeit von Daten - Das Problem der Relevanz von Daten "Harte" Fakten: - Strikte Superioritätseffekte im Bulgarischen - Obligatorische Wh-Anhebung im Slavischen Neuere Ansätze: - "Qualitative" Ansätze - "Quantitative" Ansätze - Alternative Ansätze
Zur Interaktion von Verarbeitungstiefe und dem Wortvorhersagbarkeitseffekt beim Lesen von Sätzen
(2008)
Rhythm perception is assumed to be guided by a domain-general auditory principle, the Iambic/Trochaic Law, stating that sounds varying in intensity are grouped as strong-weak, and sounds varying in duration are grouped as weak-strong. Recently, Bhatara et al. (2013) showed that rhythmic grouping is influenced by native language experience, French listeners having weaker grouping preferences than German listeners. This study explores whether L2 knowledge and musical experience also affect rhythmic grouping. In a grouping task, French late learners of German listened to sequences of coarticulated syllables varying in either intensity or duration. Data on their language and musical experience were obtained by a questionnaire. Mixed-effect model comparisons showed influences of musical experience as well as L2 input quality and quantity on grouping preferences. These results imply that adult French listeners' sensitivity to rhythm can be enhanced through L2 and musical experience.
OCP-Place, a cross-linguistically well-attested constraint against pairs of consonants with shared [place], is psychologically real. Studies have shown that the processing of words violating OCP-Place is inhibited. Functionalists assume that OCP arises as a consequence of low-level perception: a consonant following another with the same [place] cannot be faithfully perceived as an independent unit. If functionalist theories were correct, then lexical access would be inhibited if two homorganic consonants conjoin at word boundaries-a problem that can only be solved with lexical feedback.
Here, we experimentally challenge the functional account by showing that OCP-Place can be used as a speech segmentation cue during pre-lexical processing without lexical feedback, and that the use relates to distributions in the input.
In Experiment 1, native listeners of Dutch located word boundaries between two labials when segmenting an artificial language. This indicates a use of OCP-Labial as a segmentation cue, implying a full perception of both labials. Experiment 2 shows that segmentation performance cannot solely be explained by well-formedness intuitions. Experiment 3 shows that knowledge of OCP-Place depends on language-specific input: in Dutch, co-occurrences of labials are under-represented, but co-occurrences of coronals are not. Accordingly, Dutch listeners fail to use OCP-Coronal for segmentation.
Finite state methods for natural language processing often require the construction and the intersection of several automata. In this paper, we investigate the question of determining the best order in which these intersections should be performed. We take as an example lexical disambiguation in polarity grammars. We show that there is no efficient way to minimize the state complexity of these intersections.
This study addresses the question of how age of acquisition (AoA) affects grammatical processing, specifically with respect to inflectional morphology, in bilinguals. We examined experimental data of more than 100 participants from the Russian/German community in Berlin, all of whom acquired Russian from birth and German at different ages. Using the cross-modal lexical priming technique, we investigated stem allomorphs of German verbs that encode multiple morphosyntactic features. The results revealed a striking AoA modulation of observed priming patterns, indicating efficient access to morphosyntactic features for early AoAs and a gradual decline with increasing AoAs. In addition, we found a discontinuity in the function relating AoA to morphosyntactic feature access, suggesting a sensitive period for the development of morphosyntax.