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Im Gespräch werden folgende Themen behandelt: WT: Welche politische Bilanz der Präsidentschaft Putins würden Sie ziehen? WT: Wie haben sich die soziale und wirtschafliche Lage sowie das geistige Klima in Russland während dieser Zeit verändert? WT: Wie beurteilen Sie die Persönlichkeit und das politische Konzept des neuen Präsidenten Dimitri Medwedjew? WT: Wie schätzen Sie die sich ankündigende „Tandem“-Variante der Machtausübung im künftigen Russland ein? Wird es einen starken Ministerpräsidenten Putin und einen zu diesem loyalen, sich gewissermaßen selbstbeschränkenden Präsidenten Medwedjew geben? Oder widerspricht das dem Charakter des Institutionensystems in Russland?
Mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon verbinden sich hohe Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Effektivität zukünftiger Regelungen zum auswärtigen Handeln der Union. In der Gestaltung dieser Bestimmungen unterliegen die Mitgliedstaaten konstitutionellen Dilemmata, die eine Lösung erschweren. Obwohl im Detail durchaus Verbesserungen erkennbar sind, werden insgesamt zunehmende Konflikte und mangelnde Kohärenz erwartet.
The use of unilateral force under George W. Bush is not a new phenomenon in US foreign policy. As the author argues, it is merely a continuation of Bill Clinton’s foreign policy and is deeply rooted in both the foreign policy traditions of Jacksonianism and Wilsonianism. The analysis concludes that Clinton used unilateralist foreign policy with a 'smile' whereas the Bush administration uses it with an attitude.
Welche Vorraussetzungen sind nötig, um das europäische Einigungsprojekt auf Dauer zu tragen? Erstens bleibt die Herausbildung einer europäischen kollektiven Identität für die Überlebensfähigkeit der Union unverzichtbar. Zweitens bleibt die EU auf demokratische Institutionen angewiesen. Drittens kommt dem Vertrauen der Europäer eine zentrale Rolle im weiteren europäischen Integrationsprozess zu.
In Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept kollektiver Identität werden drei Bürgerschafts-Modelle (republikanisches, liberales und cäsarisches) diskutiert. Bürgerschaft wird im Sinne von citizenship anstelle von Staatsbürgerschaft wegen deren etatistischer Konnotation in der deutschen Sprache verwendet. Abschließend wird die europäische Bürgerschaft sowie deren korrespondierende kollektive Identität betrachtet.
China ist auf dem Weg zu einer offeneren Gesellschaft mit zunehmender Partizipation, größerer rechtlicher Sicherheit und individueller Autonomie. Der Staat zog sich aus vielen Bereichen zurück, ökonomische Ziele bestimmen seine Prioritäten. Die Entwicklungserfolge brachten jedoch eine Legitimationskrise des Staates mit sich. Vier Dilemmata, die China heute konfrontieren, werden aufgezeigt und Hypothesen zur Charakterisierung des chinesischen party state diskutiert.
Chinas Wandel und die Welt
(2006)
Wie stellt sich das Verhältnis zwischen China und der Welt im 21. Jahrhundert dar? Die Autorin, Politikwissenschaftlerin aus Peking, verweist auf die aktuelle Debatte in China, in der das Primat der Innenpolitik, regionaler Multilateralismus und harmonische Weltordnung intensiv diskutiert werden. China habe nicht vor, das internationale System herauszufordern oder zu zerstören. Vielmehr sei es um stärkere Einbindung bemüht.
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.
The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.
Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.
Are we witnessing a decline of war, the spread of violence or both? The growing number of wars and genocids conveys the impression of uncontrolled violence. Is there any possibility to overcome belligerent conflicts between states? Do imply social, technological, cultural or even anthropological changes moments which could shift the ground of state’s rivalry towards non-belligerent relationships? Peace trough interdependence and democracy seems possible. The priorities of modern states cannot be thought on the basis of attributes like sovereignty and territoriality. The peaceful 'bourgeois islands' not only bring about prosperity but increasing social exclusion as well. New phenomenon of ethnicism and religiosity often originate from, around and in their midst. Threats arising from terrorism and racial or religious riots are the consequences. There are two options, the author considers as possible: an "embourgeoisement" of the "barbarians" or a "barbarisation of the bourgeois". Or is there a new political form emerging?
The failure of politics is closely connected with deeply rooted misconceptions about the term politics. The author argues that a re-reading of Immanuel Kant's work "The Perpetual Peace" written 200 years ago offers a challenging possibility for a new conceptualization of politics, morality and peace. Morality is seen by Kant as an essential dimension of politics and the implementation and acknowledgement of laws by moral demands is defined as a precondition for a community of free citizens. In its public discourse politics does require law and morality. Deriving future rights from existing laws is one of the most favored argumentation used by politicians in the public. If the needs of law and justice are interpretated by politicians in their own interest, i.e. above all guarantees for the realization of political selfdetermination, then a real chance will exist for improving peace in the future.
The article argues that the concept of statehood is not functioning any longer. It exists a crisis for the international legal order which is represented by the failure of state to maintain order within its borders. The problem of violence in international relations are connected to the implosion of a considerable number of the state entities in the contemporary international society. The federalist institutional approach in international law and international theory could not contribute in an appropriate way to the solution of the "problem of violence", because it supposes a willingness on the part of states to do so. Only the concept of "national interest", in a sociological sense, connected to the development of a discource of solidarity and mutual responsibility between the "West" and the "rest of the world" offers the possibility to create a common consciousness which could make it easier to overcome the contemporary crises for the international legal order.
The Chinese coastal cities play an increasing economic role in the Yellow Sea region. The inclusion of these cities into the intra Asian economic cooperation is accomplished not only in the conventional sphere of trade but also by a growing involvement in telecommunication networks, technological exchange and the circulation of human resources. That is why these cities emerge as autonomous actors in the East Asian integration process. In this context national states face deep structural change, especially in the field of sovereignty and territory. Concerning the internal situation of China, this change could also cause a turn over of the relationship between the central government and the regions.
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
Based on the discussion on Germany´s new 'central location', the author tries to sketch Germany´s geopolitical position in view of the constellation of powers in Europe from a national point of view. This favourable position offers a great chance for the country to play an active role in Europe’s integration. However, German historical heritage as well as the delicate relationship of Germany´s political elite to the use of power are reasons for the country´s hesitation to fulfill her neighbours’ and her allies’ expectations. Anyhow, Summaries 192 rooted in the West-European and transatlantic integration is Germany the natural dooropener for its Eastern, South-Eastern and Baltic neighbours to become 'members of the club'. )</a> Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
The existence of the Soviet Union was a remarkable anomalie in the history of the 20th century, which was also characterized by the collapse of multinational and colonial empires. Starting with the structural definitions of empires, the author describes the particularities of the Soviet empire. He analyzes the order, ideology and culture of the Soviet Empire. Looking for the reasons of its collapse, he presents a genesis of the longterm and short-term reasons. He is focusing on the breakdown of the post-totalitarian Leviathan, the cultural decline, the renaissance of nationalism and of the imperial overstretching. Finally he asseses the role of the policy of Perestroika in the breakdown of the Soviet Empire in the beginning of the 1990s.
Flight and expulsion are and will remain important international problems. The existence of refugees is a result of unsolved domestic tasks. Thus, effective solutions require comprehensive and long-term strategies. So far the efforts to reduce the causes of escape have not been sufficient. In the current refugee crises millions of people can survive only with the help of an efficient international system (for example the UNHCR) that guarantees humanitarian aid and protection. However, this system has turned out to be inadequate although the potential of preventive action is sufficient to reach a major progress in diminishing the refugee problem.
Although without providing a systematical comparison, it has become clear that the sects or party-factions of Japan’s New Left movement are by no means merely copies of their counterparts in the West. On the other hand their conduct may not be judged as to be a unique Japanese phenomenon. What they embody is, on the whole, a complex symbiosis of universal and particularly Japanese features, which can be observed in the fields of social behavior, organizational structure, and group dynamics. The particularity of the New Left factions is mostly revealed through the higher intensity of specific features rather than through pecularities found only in Japan.
Underlying the importance of revenue the author discusses the future of the international order from the perspective of political economy. The international system will not be a capitalist one. Political conflicts will not be removed by nonviolent market regulations. Weakness of labour force and a dominant role of revenue will further more result in political interventions by nation states. The struggle for revenue to maintain comparative advantages in high-tech-development strengthens state intervention in order to protect domestic market. The failure of the "development state" in the third world and the rising of fundamentalistic tendencies supported by a market-oriented middle class will increase conflicts in those regions.
There has never been a theory of transition from really existing Socialism to a democratic and market-oriented system. Different theoretical approaches are taken into consideration by the author. Experiences of other transitional processes are practicable on Eastern Europe in a limited way. The missing of socio-structural differentiation, the socio-cultural consequences of the really existing Socialism and the international conditions did not promote the transition. It seems that the transition in Eastern Europe is obviously not a change from one political system to another one, but for the time being an open process.
Taking the visit of Erich Honecker to China as an example, the author analyses the bilateral GDR-Chinese relations in the 1980s. Based on extensive original research, the objectives as well as disappointed hopes are presented. The author reveals that not Honecker played the "Chinese Card", but he himself became part of Chinese politics. At the same time, the contradictory reaction to that visit in Moscow are documented when, with the election of Gorbachev, first signs of a change in Soviet policy toward China were indicated. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
The dramatic changes in international relations characterized by the terms "Complex Interdependence" and "Segmentary Globalization" call for new explanation. The author considers the post-modern approaches, a critical analysis of which he presents, to be one possibility to do that. In studies of international policy, these post-modern influences are gaining ground in disputes with realistic and neo-realistic approaches, and they can also clearly be felt in Latin America. Tomassini, based on the historic experiences of Latin America, forcefully calls for an active and constructive incorporation of the region into international developments. For that, Latin-American societies have to establish modern, and open political as well as economic systems which are able to meet those challenges.
Mit diesem Heft wird die Diskussion über eine neue deutsche Ostpolitik fortgesetzt und abgeschlossen. Diese hatte im Heft Nr. 49 mit Thesen von Jochen Franzke begonnen, im nächsten Heft wurden erste Beiträge publiziert. Insgesamt haben sich Wissenschaftler und Politiker aus Deutschland, Österreich, Polen, Finnland und Tschechien beteiligt. Die Debatte schließt mit Schlussbemerkungen des Initiators. Ulrich Best, Katrin Böttger, Vladimir Handl, Heinz Timmermann, Christian Wipperfürth, Sabina Wölkner, Gesine Schwan, Dieter Segert, Beata Wilga, Markus Löning und Ole Diehl, Angelica Schwall-Düren, Wolfgang Gehrcke und Jochen Franzke
Mit diesem Heft wird die Diskussion über eine neue deutsche Ostpolitik fortgesetzt und abgeschlossen. Diese hatte im Heft Nr. 49 mit Thesen von Jochen Franzke begonnen, im nächsten Heft wurden erste Beiträge publiziert. Insgesamt haben sich Wissenschaftler und Politiker aus Deutschland, Österreich, Polen, Finnland und Tschechien beteiligt. Die Debatte schließt mit Schlussbemerkungen des Initiators. Ulrich Best, Katrin Böttger, Vladimir Handl, Heinz Timmermann, Christian Wipperfürth, Sabina Wölkner, Gesine Schwan, Dieter Segert, Beata Wilga, Markus Löning und Ole Diehl, Angelica Schwall-Düren, Wolfgang Gehrcke und Jochen Franzke
"Small wars" will play an increasing role in the conflict scenarios of the 21st century, at the expense of inter-state wars. One of the key features of future war is the difficult differentiation between civilian and military targets, between combatants and noncombatants. It is argued that the parallel (and competing) structures of both states and non-state actors using force openly and equally will be a permanent feature of international security policy in the 21st century. This development is tantamount to the dissolution of the monopoly on the legitimate use of force by the states. The state-centered system of international relations has been a distinctive hallmark of the modern period. It is bound to give way, however, to the parallel and competing structures of state actors and non-state actors which was a central attribute of the Middle Ages. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
In den theoretischen Grundlagen moderner Verfassungsstaaten wird Angst als zentrale politische Größe ausgewiesen. In der Hobbesschen Ursprungsmythologie moderner Staatlichkeit spielt sie eine entscheidende Rolle für die Staatskonstituierung. Aufgrund ihrer Staatszentriertheit bietet die Vertragstheorie allerdings kein hinreichendes Erklärungspotential für die transnationale terroristische Strategie der Angst. Der Angstpolitik des Terrorismus steht aber auch eine Nutzbarmachung der Angst durch Regierungen bedrohter Staaten gegenüber.
Geheimdienste in Demokratien
(2006)
Geheimdienste sind für den modernen Staat zur Gewährleistung seiner inneren und äußeren Sicherheit wesentlich und stehen ständig vor neuen Herausforderungen. Die Dienste der Bundesrepublik sind aus der Frontstaatlage im Kalten Krieg gewachsen, und ihr Wert als geheimes Regierungsinstrument ist durch eine Vielzahl systemischer Probleme erheblich eingeschränkt. Zudem gibt es weder eine klare Standortbestimmung der Dienste im politischen System, noch eine moralische Grenzziehung ihrer Aktivitäten.
Polen und Kerneuropa
(2006)
Mit großer Skepsis werden in Polen die Diskussionen zum Thema "Kerneuropa" aufgenommen. Das Land fürchtet, an den Rand gedrängt zu werden, sollte ein innerer Kreis in der EU, eine "Union in der Union", entstehen. Deutschland hat mehrfach die Idee eines Kerneuropa unterstützt. Ein deutsch-polnischer Austausch zu Inhalten und Perspektiven eines solchen Kerns könnte darum polnische Befürchtungen abbauen.
Literaturbericht Rezensierte Literatur: Nikolaus Werz: Lateinamerika. Eine Einführung, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2005, 400 S., ISBN 3-8329-1068-9 Klaus Bodemer/Detlef Nolte/Hartmut Sangmeister (Hrsg.): Lateinamerika Jahrbuch 2004, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 385 S., ISBN 3-86527-123-5 Peter Imbusch/Dirk Messner/Detlef Nolte (Hrsg.): Chile heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 957 S., ISBN 3-89354-590-5 Walther L. Bernecker/Marianne Braig/Karl Hölz/Klaus Zimmermann (Hrsg.): Mexiko heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 3. vollständig neu bearbeitete Auflage, 826 S., ISBN 3-86527-140-5 Rafael Sevilla/Andreas Boeckh (Hrsg.): Venezuela – die Bolivarische Republik, Horlemann, Bad Honnef 2005, 322 S., ISBN 3-89502-197-0
This article asks how the internet has been contributing to the trans-national networking of the radical right and whether the radical right has the capacity to act as a trans-national movement. Taking into account language difficulties, the ideological background of ultra- nationalism and internal disputes, the analysis shows that the radical right-wing transnational networking has hardly developed. Additionally, its internet users’ potential is too low to contribute to a stronger trans-national alignment. The obstacles remain despite improved technological possibilities. This is proven by empirical examples of virtual trans-national networks.
This article explores the impact of the internationalised economy on work relationships between German companies and their subsidiaries in Eastern and Central Europe. The author refers to empirical research findings in the field of social sciences that shed light on the interest groups’ scope of participation in international competition for investments.
The author argues that growth determines employment and not the other way around. He opposes the widespread view among German economists that more employment generated by wage cuts or increased labour market flexibility will stimulate growth. For him, this view relies on theoretical prejudices that have to be rejected in light of some recent, simple evidence. The fact that all cyclical rebounds during the 1990s have been cut short by restrictive monetary policy explains the inability of the German labour market to regain full employment.
1945 und die Polen
(2005)
The current series of anniversaries concerning World War II raise the question of how Poland is coming to terms with its past. The article summarises the ongoing Polish debate about the Warsaw Uprising and the changing perspectives on Polish history in society and political circles. The discussion about Poland’s view on its own past has great influence on recent foreign political relations, e.g. with Germany, the Ukraine, or Russia.
Since 9/11, the fight against the financial sources of terrorism has become a major arena for international co-operation. In the first part, the paper highlights the borderline between security studies and international political economy. The second part of the paper asks how successful the international community is in this fight. The authors show that the idea of seizing terrorist funds and denying access to the international financial system is not a very promising one. They conclude that, so far, results have been mixed and that only a political approach to the problem promises a solution.
In the spring 2004 issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann sparked a debate on Germany's foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a "realpolitik" policy, generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann, this transformation indicates one of the "deepest crisis of Germany’s foreign policy" ever. The first three parts were published in the summer, fall and winter editions (no. 43, 44 and 45) of WeltTrends, which featured contributions of German International Relations scholars as well as experts from abroad. In this issue, foreign policy makers and a Polish expert join the debate.
Should Turkey become a member of the EU? This is one of the most controversial issues in German European politics now. While the Social Democrats and the Green Party seem to be in favour, the Christian Democrats strongly oppose it. This paper demonstrates that both sides - their contrary political preferences notwithstanding- share one central belief: Turkey does not fit into the EU for cultural reasons. Through a close reading of parliamentary debates on EUenlargement the article reconstructs how Turkey is made Europe’s other.
There have been three main phases of political discourse in recent Iranian history. A paternalistic era was accompanied by a phase of absolutistic rule during the Qagar dynasty. This phase was followed by a forced modernization, when the Shah of Iran expanded his absolutistic rule and established a dictatorship. With the Islamic Revolution of 1979, a new phase of political discourse emerged with a tendency towards religious traditionalism. The author states that religion and democracy are not in opposition. However, there is need for dialogue between the East and the West.
Islamic movements in Iran
(2004)
The modernist Islamic Movement sought to reconcile modern values and Islamic faith and attempted to express these values through an Islamic discourse and to reform political, religious and educational institutions along modernist lines. However, such a movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran raised controversy among the traditional leadership and secular intellectual groups. The aim of this paper is to discuss how far modernist Islam could progress in an islamic republic with an old tradition.