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Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.
In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia’s international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia’s national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author’s judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia’s international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country’s predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.
Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China
(1998)
Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People’s Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.
In 1988, the Government of the People’s Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.
Projekt: Nachhaltiges Brandenburg ; Projekt: Nachhaltige, umweltgerechte Regionalentwicklung in Ostprignitz-Ruppin ; Projekt: Entwicklung nachhaltiger Landnutzung; Projekt: Integrierte Umweltberatung und ökologische Zielsetzungen im Landkreis; Projekt: Fachinformationssystem Naturschutz und Landschaftspflege des Landesumweltamtes Brandenburg ; Projekt: Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfung ; Projekt: Planung und Projektierung der Abwasserentsorgung im Land Brandenburg (1990-1994)
Brandenburgisches Umweltforschungszentrum e.V.:
Arbeitsgruppe: Nachhaltigkeit ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umwelt- und Biotechnologie ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umweltmanagement ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umweltsoziologie ;
Zentrum für Umweltwissenschaften:
Arbeitsgruppe: Betriebliches Umweltmanagement/Umweltbewußtes Konsumentenverhalten ; Arbeitsgruppe: Grüne Bioraffinerie ; Arbeitsgruppe: Integrierter Arten- und Biotopschutz ; Arbeitsgruppe: LIDAR-Inversionen ; Arbeitsgruppe: FG Ökotechnologie ; Arbeitsgruppe: Regenerative Energien ; Arbeitsgruppe: Stoffdynamik in Geosystemen ; Arbeitsgruppe: Umweltbildung
Betrachtungen zur Rolle von Frequenzmodulationen in der sozialen Kommunikation bei Tier und Mensch
(1998)
Zur Nahrungswahl der Schleiereule (Tyto alba guttata) im Landkreis Potsdam-Mittelmark (Brandenburg)
(1998)
Hegemonialmächte im Vorderen und Mittleren Orient : die Dritte Partei in internationalen Konflikten
(1997)
During the last five decades hegemons played an important role in de-escalating international conflicts in the subregion defined as the core of Oriens Islamicus. Statistical analysis of large datasets shows that half of all conflicts remained without any interference from the hegemonial powers at all - both on global scale and in the subregion. In all other cases however, hegemons (especially super-powers in the role of patrons) tended more often to act as (power-) mediators when their client-state was engaged in conflict with a client of the opposing superpower in Oriens Islamicus than they did on global scale. They did this in their own interest in order to avoid direct involvement, i.e. possible danger of a nuclear escalation. In contrast to conventional mediation theory they were more effective in conflict de-escalation than other mediators, especially in conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbours. The end of bipolarity in the international system also brought this mechanism of de-escalation to an end. It leaves the hegemon(s) as a potentially powerful third party on the one hand, but on the other their inclination to become involved in regional conflict remains rather diminished as long as the basic national interests in the area are not at stake.
Die zunehmende Erosion der veranlagten Einkommensteuer wirft die Frage auf, inwieweit die Möglichkeit der Verechnung positiver mit negativen Einkünften dafür verantwortlich ist. Auf der Basis eines Mikrosimulationsmodells analysiert der Beitrag die Wirkungen dieser im deutschen Einkommensteuerrecht möglichen Verrechenbarkeit. Zum einen werden die aus der Abschaffung der Verrechnungsmöglichkeiten resultierenden Wanderungen von Steuerpflichtigen in höhere Einkommensklassen und zum anderen die Auswirkungen auf das Steueraufkommen untersucht. Insgesamt vermindern ca. 5 % der Steuerpflichtigen ihre positiven Einkünfte durch negative Einkünfte einer anderen Einkunftsart. Im Hinblick auf das Steueraufkommen zeichnen sich beträchtliche Steuerausfälle in Höhe von ca. 33 Mrd. DM durch diese Verrechnungsmöglichkeit ab.
Inhalt: Theoretische Begründung einer Besteuerung von Alterseinkünften Kritische Überprüfung einiger Argumente Die Reformvorschläge und das Simulationsmodell Die Simulationsergebnisse Kritische Bewertung der Ergebnisse Mit einem Kommentar von Hans-Peter Weikard: Rentenbesteuerung und Korrespondenzprinzip: 1. Wie selbstverständlich ist das Korrespondenzprinzip? 2. Die zeitliche Dimension des Korrespondenzprinzips 3. Eine unzulässige Interpretation 4. Fazit
Vor- und nacheiszeitliche Großtierformen in Mitteleuropa und ihre Einpassung in das Ökosystem
(1997)
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Die vorliegende Untersuchung basiert auf einer Befragung von insgesamt 93 Unternehmen aus den Regionen Potsdam, Berlin und Chemnitz. Die Interviews wurden im Zeitraum Mai/Juni 1996 durchgeführt und dauerten ca. 1 Stunde. Im Mittelpunkt der Befragung standen die Themenbereiche: ökologische Betroffenheit, Einstellung zum Umweltschutz, Markt- und Wettbewerbsbedingungen des betrieblichen Umweltschutzes, Umfang und Intensität betrieblicher Maßnahmen zum Umweltschutz sowie Verhaltensbarrieren. Als Interviewpartner standen in der Mehrzahl der befragten Unternehmen die Geschäftsführer oder Umweltbeauftragte bzw. andere Personen in Führungspositionen zur Verfügung. Zum überwiegenden Teil waren die von uns befragten Unternehmer selbst Eigentümer der Unternehmung. Die befragten Unternehmen gehören überwiegend dem Konsumgütersektor (44%) an. Ein Drittel der Unternehmen stammt aus dem Investitionsgütersektor (33%). Der Dienstleistungssektor ist mit lediglich 23% in der Stichprobe vertreten. Insgesamt bildet die Stichprobe ein breites Branchenspektrum ab, wenn auch die Geschäftsbereiche Maschinenbau und Anlagen, bedingt durch ihre starke Präsenz im Raum Chemnitz, deutlich überrepräsentiert sind. Hinsichtlich der Beschäftigtenzahlen und Umsätze handelt es sich in der Befragung überwiegend um kleine und mittelständische Betriebe, wiewohl auch einige größere Unternehmen berücksichtigt wurden.
After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.
The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.
Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.
Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.
J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman’s ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.
In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.
Inhalt: Veränderte ostdeutsche Lebenswelt - Darstellung der Verschiebungen innerhalb des Erwerbsstatus in den neuen Bundesländern Erwerbsstatus in Ostdeutschland vor und nach staatlichen Eingriffen Die sektorale Verteilung der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft - Erfinder und Nachahmer? Die sektorale Verteilung der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft im Bundeslandvergleich - Exkurs: Der öffentliche Dienst Die neuen Berufe - Klassifizierung der ausgeübten Tätigkeiten in den tertiären Beschäftigungsbereichen - Entwicklungsdynamiken an ausgewählten Beispielen des Dienstleistungssektors - Geschlecht und Alter als Determinanten der Beschäftigung