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A case of primary progressive ahasia : a 14year follow-up study with neuropathological findings
(1998)
Individuals with agrammatic Broca's aphasia experience difficulty when processing reversible non-canonical sentences. Different accounts have been proposed to explain this phenomenon. The Trace Deletion account (Grodzinsky, 1995, 2000, 2006) attributes this deficit to an impairment in syntactic representations, whereas others (e.g., Caplan, Waters, Dede, Michaud, & Reddy, 2007; Haarmann, Just, & Carpenter, 1997) propose that the underlying structural representations are unimpaired, but sentence comprehension is affected by processing deficits, such as slow lexical activation, reduction in memory resources, slowed processing and/or intermittent deficiency, among others. We test the claims of two processing accounts, slowed processing and intermittent deficiency, and two versions of the Trace Deletion Hypothesis (TDH), in a computational framework for sentence processing (Lewis & Vasishth, 2005) implemented in ACT-R (Anderson, Byrne, Douglass, Lebiere, & Qin, 2004). The assumption of slowed processing is operationalized as slow procedural memory, so that each processing action is performed slower than normal, and intermittent deficiency as extra noise in the procedural memory, so that the parsing steps are more noisy than normal. We operationalize the TDH as an absence of trace information in the parse tree. To test the predictions of the models implementing these theories, we use the data from a German sentence—picture matching study reported in Hanne, Sekerina, Vasishth, Burchert, and De Bleser (2011). The data consist of offline (sentence-picture matching accuracies and response times) and online (eye fixation proportions) measures. From among the models considered, the model assuming that both slowed processing and intermittent deficiency are present emerges as the best model of sentence processing difficulty in aphasia. The modeling of individual differences suggests that, if we assume that patients have both slowed processing and intermittent deficiency, they have them in differing degrees.
In his short paper of 1886, the neogrammarian linguist Delbruck sketches his views on normal language processing and their relevance for the interpretation of some of the symptoms of progressive anomic aphasia. In particular, he discusses proper name impairments, verb and abstract noun superiority and the predominance of semantically related errors. Furthermore, he suggests that part of speech, morphology and word order may be preserved in this condition. This historical document has been lost in oblivion but the original ideas and their relevance for contemporary discussions merit a revival.
Background: In addition to the canonical subject-verb-object (SVO) word order, German also allows for non-canonical order (OVS), and the case-marking system supports thematic role interpretation. Previous eye-tracking studies (Kamide et al., 2003; Knoeferle, 2007) have shown that unambiguous case information in non-canonical sentences is processed incrementally. For individuals with agrammatic aphasia, comprehension of non-canonical sentences is at chance level (Burchert et al., 2003). The trace deletion hypothesis (Grodzinsky 1995, 2000) claims that this is due to structural impairments in syntactic representations, which force the individual with aphasia (IWA) to apply a guessing strategy. However, recent studies investigating online sentence processing in aphasia (Caplan et al., 2007; Dickey et al., 2007) found that divergences exist in IWAs' sentence-processing routines depending on whether they comprehended non-canonical sentences correctly or not, pointing rather to a processing deficit explanation. Aims: The aim of the current study was to investigate agrammatic IWAs' online and offline sentence comprehension simultaneously in order to reveal what online sentence-processing strategies they rely on and how these differ from controls' processing routines. We further asked whether IWAs' offline chance performance for non-canonical sentences does indeed result from guessing. Methods Procedures: We used the visual-world paradigm and measured eye movements (as an index of online sentence processing) of controls (N = 8) and individuals with aphasia (N = 7) during a sentence-picture matching task. Additional offline measures were accuracy and reaction times. Outcomes Results: While the offline accuracy results corresponded to the pattern predicted by the TDH, IWAs' eye movements revealed systematic differences depending on the response accuracy. Conclusions: These findings constitute evidence against attributing IWAs' chance performance for non-canonical structures to mere guessing. Instead, our results support processing deficit explanations and characterise the agrammatic parser as deterministic and inefficient: it is slowed down, affected by intermittent deficiencies in performing syntactic operations, and fails to compute reanalysis even when one is detected.
Dyslexien und Dysgraphien
(2003)
Background: A prominent model of semantic processing in modern cognitive psychology proposes that semantic memory originates in everyday life experience with concrete objects such as plants, animals, and tools (Martin Chao, 2001). When the meaning of a concrete content word is being acquired, the learner is confronted with stimuli of various modalities related to the word's meaning. This comes to be stored as sensory knowledge about the object. It is further postulated that there is a conceptual domain remote from the mechanisms of perception, which is often referred to as functional knowledge or verbal semantics. There is a large body of neuropsychological literature trying to establish how much sensory and functional semantics is needed to access a name, and whether the relative contribution of these types of knowledge is the same for all categories of objects. Another controversial issue is whether naming requires access to semantic knowledge, or whether object names can be accessed directly from vision without the intervention of semantics, as is generally accepted for written word naming. Some support for this assumption seems to come from cases of so-called non-optic aphasia, a condition in which patients can name from visual presentation only but not from any other modality of presentation such as auditory, verbal, tactile, etc. In optic aphasia, a condition far better established, naming is possible from all modalities except vision. Aims: The aim of this paper is to draw attention to the first case description of non-optic or negative optic aphasia described by Wolff (1897, 1904). Methods Procedures: The case describes the results of a re-examination of Voit, who was seen by several neurologists in the course of a decade in classical aphasiology. The patient demonstrated anomia in oral but not in written naming of objects in view. Wolff's examination involves extensive testing of semantic processing in several modalities, especially with respect to the status of functional and sensory semantic features Outcomes Results: The re-examination of patient Voit by Wolff in 1897 with new procedures revealed a specific impairment in processing sensory knowledge, while functional knowledge of objects was relatively preserved. This led to a naming impairment in all modalities of presentation except the visual one. Using more refined tasks, Wolff also demonstrated receptive impairments, in contrast to previous researchers who had concluded that the impairment was restricted to oral production. Conclusions: Although Wolff's (1904) case of negative optic aphasia has been almost completely forgotten (but see Bartels Wallesch, 1996), it is astonishingly modern in its conceptual approach and in the central questions it addresses on the mechanisms involved in the process of naming and on the structure of the semantic system. As is usual in classical cases, the methodology may appear less stringent than in most contemporary work, but the approach was brilliant.
Kurt Goldstein
(1994)
LeMo - an expert-system for the assessment of lexical and morphological impairments in aphasia
(1995)
LeMo, an expert system for single case assessment of word processing impairments in aphasic patients
(1997)
Background: The issue of production and perception of lexical tone in patients with brain lesions has been investigated mainly through East Asian languages and Norwegian. The present study investigated the lateralisation of lexical tone in Shona, a Bantu language. Van Lancker (1980) proposed a continuum scale of the levels of functional pitch in the speech signal. According to the functional lateralisation account (FLH), the left hemisphere (LH) is associated with highly structured pitch contrasts, such as phonological tone, whereas the right hemisphere (RH) is specialised for the least structured pitch functions cueing emotional and personal information. The extant data show that the ability to produce and identify lexical tone is frequently more impaired as a result of lesions to the LH than RH lesions.
Aims: The present investigation focused on the lateralisation of lexical tone in Shona speakers. The study sought to validate if the scale of hemispheric lateralisation as proposed by Van Lancker (1980) is also valid for Shona, a Bantu language.
Methods & Procedures: We examined five LH damaged (LHD) patients and five RH (RHD) damaged patients using a confrontational picture-naming task and a lexical tone identification task of Shona lexical tone. The first experiment investigated the ability of LHD patients and RHD patients to identify Shona lexical tone in 60 disyllabic minimal pairs. The second experiment examined the ability of Shona brain-damaged patients to produce lexical tone using a confrontational picture-naming task with 120 lexical items.
Outcomes & Results: We observed a dissociation in the performance of both the LHD and RHD patients in the two tasks. Both groups were impaired in the tone identification task relative to the non-brain-damaged controls. However, RHD patients performed significantly better than the LHD patients in the tone identification task. On the other hand, both LHD and RHD groups were equally impaired in the tone production task in comparison to the controls.
Conclusions: The discrepancy in the production and perception of Shona lexical tone for this group of brain-damaged patients shows that, although the two modes are related, they do not always get disrupted at the same level after brain damage. The results from the tone identification task suggest to a certain extent that the FLH is also valid for Shona. In order to account for all the data there is need to carefully consider alternative accounts like the acoustic cue hypothesis (Van Lancker & Sidtis, 1992).
In der neurolinguistischen Forschung gewinnt das Erwerbsalter als einflußnehmende Variable auf die lexikalische Verarbeitung zunehmend an Bedeutung. Ein normiertes Datenkorpus liegt für das Deutsche jedoch noch nicht vor. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht drei unterschiedliche Formen des Erwerbsalters für konkrete Nomina des Deutschen: produktives Erwerbsalter, Benennalter und geschätztes Erwerbsalter. Das geschätzte Erwerbsalter wurde für ein Korpus von 255 Objektbezeichnungen (Snodgrass & Vanderwart, 1980), erhoben. Geschätztes Erwerbsalter, Benennalter und produktives Erwerbsalter wurden für ein Subset von 33 Stimuli miteinander verglichen. Es zeigten sich hochsignifikante Korrelationen zwischen allen drei Formen des Erwerbsalters. Allerdings erwies sich das produktive Erwerbsalter als signifikant niedriger als das geschätzte Erwerbsalter und das Benennalter, während sich letztere Messungen nicht voneinander unterscheiden. Das geschätzte Erwerbsalter scheint daher am ehesten dem Benennalter zu entsprechen. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, daß das Benennalter eine geeignete Messung zur Validierung von geschätzten Erwerbsdaten darstellt.
Modality-specific anomias
(1997)
Morphological processing in Italian agrammatic speakers : eight experiments in lexical morphology
(1996)
Many agrammatic aphasics have a specific syntactic comprehension deficit involving processing syntactic transformations. It has been proposed that this deficit is due to a dysfunction of Broca's area, an area that is thought to be critical for comprehension of complex transformed sentences. The goal of this study was to investigate the role of Broca's area in processing canonical and non-canonical sentences in healthy subjects. The sentences were presented auditorily and were controlled for task difficulty. Subjects were asked to judge the grammaticality of the sentences while their brain activity was monitored using event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging. Processing both kinds of sentences resulted in activation of language-related brain regions. Comparison of non-canonical and canonical sentences showed greater activation in bilateral temporal regions; a greater activation of Broca's area in processing antecedent-gap relations was not found. Moreover, the posterior part of Broca's area was conjointly activated by both sentence conditions. Broca's area is thus involved in general syntactic processing as required by grammaticality judgments and does not seem to have a specific role in processing syntactic transformations. (C) 2004 Wiley-Liss, Inc
Background: A large number of studies examining agrammatic comprehension of canonical and non-canonical sentences in Broca's aphasia have focused on passives and results have been interpreted in theoretical frameworks such as the trace deletion hypothesis (TDH: Grodzinsky, 1995a). However, there are a number of unresolved issues associated with passives. The linguistic analysis of passive structures in different languages has remained controversial as well as the empirical neurolinguistic basis of agrammatic passive comprehension. In addition, a variety of morphological and semantic questions have been raised with respect to the implicit argument in short passives and the ordering of thematic roles reflected by different positions of the by-phrase in long passives. Aims: The major aims of the present study were to re-examine the analyses of passives with and without traces, the role of an implicit argument in short passives, and the influence of the position of the by-phrase on agrammatic sentence comprehension. Methods & Procedures: A binary picture-sentence matching task was administered to six non-fluent German agrammatic speakers. Various types of passives including long, short, and topicalised passives were tested. Additionally, comprehension of active SVO sentences was assessed in a separate but similar session. Only those patients whose comprehension on active sentences was above chance were included. Outcomes & Results: As a group, the six subjects performed above chance over all passive types. If only long canonical passives are considered, as is done in most studies, five subjects showed a pattern compatible with the TDH. However, the picture was modified if other passive constructions were taken into account, in which case only three of the six subjects showed TDH conformity. Conclusions: There is no unique pattern of agrammatic passive comprehension and only half of the agrammatic subjects conformed to the trace deletion hypothesis. Given the results on long canonical and topicalised passives, our data support linguistic analyses that assume a trace- based derivation of passives. Furthermore, the results are in line with linguistic analyses adopting an implicit argument in short passives. Since comprehension of topicalised passives with a canonical order of theta-roles was not better than that of long passives without a canonical order, the agrammatic problem with passives does not seem to hinge on semantics
Background: While the role of the right hemisphere (RH) in prosodic processing is prominent, research on the perception of lexical tones has shown that left hemisphere damaged (LHD) patients are more impaired than right hemisphere damaged (RHD) patients. Dichotic listening and imaging studies with healthy speakers of tone languages demonstrate that at least at the phonemic and lexical level, prosody is processed in the left hemisphere (LH) when the variations in pitch are phonemically distinctive. There is no report available yet on the perceptual discrimination of a Bantu language in patients after unilateral brain damage. Aims: We addressed the question of how well Shona aphasic patients and right hemisphere damaged patients perceive pitch contrasts in Shona lexical words and also in their homologous low-pass filtered counterparts. We also sought to discover the validity of the current hypotheses on hemispheric lateralisation particularly the hypothesis on hemispheric lateralisation based on language function to account for the Shona data. Methods Procedures: A total of 7 LHD and 7 RHD patients and 14 healthy controls participated in two discrimination tasks that examined perception of lexical tone in (a) bisyllabic Shona words and (b) low-pass filtered stimuli. In both tasks the participants were tasked with judging the pitch as the same or different in 120 bisyllabic words and 120 low-pass filtered stimuli. Outcomes Results: The results demonstrated that the tonal discrimination of the LHD group was more reduced in comparison to the RHD group and control participants. However, the performance of the RHD patients was not error free relative to the control participants, although significantly better than the LHD patients in both tasks. Conclusions: At least for the phonemic and lexical levels, brain damage to the dominant hemisphere results in lexical tone impairment for LHD patients, and cognitive load processing results in a subdued but good performance for RHD patients. The LH is therefore dominant for processing tone when it is lexically distinctive.