Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (35)
- Doctoral Thesis (9)
- Postprint (9)
- Other (2)
- Monograph/Edited Volume (1)
Is part of the Bibliography
- yes (56) (remove)
Keywords
- morphology (56) (remove)
Institute
- Department Linguistik (25)
- Institut für Physik und Astronomie (8)
- Institut für Chemie (7)
- Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät (4)
- Institut für Biochemie und Biologie (4)
- Multilingualism (3)
- Potsdam Research Institute for Multilingualism (PRIM) (3)
- Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Fakultät (2)
- Department Psychologie (1)
- Institut für Germanistik (1)
- Institut für Mathematik (1)
- Institut für Umweltwissenschaften und Geographie (1)
- Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften (1)
Over the last decades mechanisms of recognition of morphologically complex words have been extensively examined in order to determine whether all word forms are stored and retrieved from the mental lexicon as wholes or whether they are decomposed into their morphological constituents such as stems and affixes. Most of the research in this domain focusses on English. Several factors have been argued to affect morphological processing including, for instance, morphological structure of a word (e.g., existence of allomorphic stem alternations) and its linguistic nature (e.g., whether it is a derived word or an inflected word form). It is not clear, however, whether processing accounts based on experimental evidence from English would hold for other languages. Furthermore, there is evidence that processing mechanisms may differ across various populations including children, adult native speakers and language learners. Recent studies claim that processing mechanisms could also differ between older and younger adults (Clahsen & Reifegerste, 2017; Reifegerste, Meyer, & Zwitserlood, 2017).
The present thesis examined how properties of the morphological structure, types of linguistic operations involved (i.e., the linguistic contrast between inflection and derivation) and characteristics of the particular population such as older adults (e.g., potential effects of ageing as a result of the cognitive decline or greater experience and exposure of older adults) affect initial, supposedly automatic stages of morphological processing in Russian and German. To this end, a series of masked priming experiments was conducted.
In experiments on Russian, the processing of derived -ost’ nouns (e.g., glupost’ ‘stupidity’) and of inflected forms with and without allomorphic stem alternations in 1P.Sg.Pr. (e.g., igraju – igrat’ ‘to play’ vs. košu – kosit’ ‘to mow’) was examined. The first experiment on German examined and directly compared processing of derived -ung nouns (e.g., Gründung ‘foundation’) and inflected -t past participles (e.g., gegründet ‘founded’), whereas the second one investigated the processing of regular and irregular plural forms (-s forms such as Autos ‘cars’ and -er forms such as Kinder ‘children’, respectively).
The experiments on both languages have shown robust and comparable facilitation effects for derived words and regularly inflected forms without stem changes (-t participles in German, forms of -aj verbs in Russian). Observed morphological priming effects could be clearly distinguished from purely semantic or orthographic relatedness between words. At the same time, we found a contrast between forms with and without allomorphic stem alternations in Russian and regular and irregular forms in German, with significantly more priming for unmarked stems (relative to alternated ones) and significantly more priming for regular (compared) word forms. These findings indicate the relevance of morphological properties of a word for initial stages of processing, contrary to claims made in the literature holding that priming effects are determined by surface form and meaning overlap only. Instead, our findings are more consistent with approaches positing a contrast between combinatorial, rule-based and lexically-stored forms (Clahsen, Sonnenstuhl, & Blevins, 2003).
The doctoral dissertation also addressed the role of ageing and age-related cognitive changes on morphological processing. The results obtained on this research issue are twofold. On the one hand, the data demonstrate effects of ageing on general measures of language performance, i.e., overall longer reaction times and/or higher accuracy rates in older than younger individuals. These findings replicate results from previous studies, which have been linked to the general slowing of processing speed at older age and to the larger vocabularies of older adults. One the other hand, we found that more specific aspects of language processing appear to be largely intact in older adults as revealed by largely similar morphological priming effects for older and younger adults. These latter results indicate that initial stages of morphological processing investigated here by means of the masked priming paradigm persist in older age. One caveat should, however, be noted. Achieving the same performance as a younger individual in a behavioral task may not necessarily mean that the same neural processes are involved. Older people may have to recruit a wider brain network than younger individuals, for example. To address this and related possibilities, future studies should examine older people’s neural representations and mechanisms involved in morphological processing.
Organic bulk heterojunction (BHJ) solar cells require energetic offsets between the donor and acceptor to obtain high short-circuit currents (J(SC)) and fill factors (FF). However, it is necessary to reduce the energetic offsets to achieve high open-circuit voltages (V-OC). Recently, reports have highlighted BHJ blends that are pushing at the accepted limits of energetic offsets necessary for high efficiency. Unfortunately, most of these BHJs have modest FF values. How the energetic offset impacts the solar cell characteristics thus remains poorly understood. Here, a comprehensive characterization of the losses in a polymer:fullerene BHJ blend, PIPCP:phenyl-C61-butyric acid methyl ester (PC61BM), that achieves a high V-OC (0.9 V) with very low energy losses (E-loss = 0.52 eV) from the energy of absorbed photons, a respectable J(SC) (13 mA cm(-2)), but a limited FF (54%) is reported. Despite the low energetic offset, the system does not suffer from field-dependent generation and instead it is characterized by very fast nongeminate recombination and the presence of shallow traps. The charge-carrier losses are attributed to suboptimal morphology due to high miscibility between PIPCP and PC61BM. These results hold promise that given the appropriate morphology, the J(SC), V-OC, and FF can all be improved, even with very low energetic offsets.
The current study investigates how bilingual children encode and produce morphologically complex words. We employed a silent-production-plus-delayed-vocalization paradigm in which event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded during silent encoding of inflected words which were subsequently cued to be overtly produced. The bilingual children's spoken responses and their ERPs were compared to previous datasets from monolingual children on the same task. We found an enhanced negativity for regular relative to irregular forms during silent production in both bilingual children's languages, replicating the ERP effect previously obtained from monolingual children. Nevertheless, the bilingual children produced more morphological errors (viz. over-regularizations) than monolingual children. We conclude that mechanisms of morphological encoding (as measured by ERPs) are parallel for bilingual and monolingual children, and that the increased over-regularization rates are due to their reduced exposure to each of the two languages (relative to monolingual children).
The current study investigates how bilingual children encode and produce morphologically complex words. We employed a silent-production-plus-delayed-vocalization paradigm in which event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded during silent encoding of inflected words which were subsequently cued to be overtly produced. The bilingual children's spoken responses and their ERPs were compared to previous datasets from monolingual children on the same task. We found an enhanced negativity for regular relative to irregular forms during silent production in both bilingual children's languages, replicating the ERP effect previously obtained from monolingual children. Nevertheless, the bilingual children produced more morphological errors (viz. over-regularizations) than monolingual children. We conclude that mechanisms of morphological encoding (as measured by ERPs) are parallel for bilingual and monolingual children, and that the increased over-regularization rates are due to their reduced exposure to each of the two languages (relative to monolingual children).
For many years, psycholinguistic evidence has been predominantly based on findings from native speakers of Indo-European languages, primarily English, thus providing a rather limited perspective into the human language system. In recent years a growing body of experimental research has been devoted to broadening this picture, testing a wide range of speakers and languages, aiming to understanding the factors that lead to variability in linguistic performance. The present dissertation investigates sources of variability within the morphological domain, examining how and to what extent morphological processes and representations are shaped by specific properties of languages and speakers. Firstly, the present work focuses on a less explored language, Hebrew, to investigate how the unique non-concatenative morphological structure of Hebrew, namely a non-linear combination of consonantal roots and vowel patterns to form lexical entries (L-M-D + CiCeC = limed ‘teach’), affects morphological processes and representations in the Hebrew lexicon. Secondly, a less investigated population was tested: late learners of a second language. We directly compare native (L1) and non-native (L2) speakers, specifically highly proficient and immersed late learners of Hebrew. Throughout all publications, we have focused on a morphological phenomenon of inflectional classes (called binyanim; singular: binyan), comparing productive (class Piel, e.g., limed ‘teach’) and unproductive (class Paal, e.g., lamad ‘learn’) verbal inflectional classes. By using this test case, two psycholinguistic aspects of morphology were examined: (i) how morphological structure affects online recognition of complex words, using masked priming (Publications I and II) and cross-modal priming (Publication III) techniques, and (ii) what type of cues are used when extending morpho-phonological patterns to novel complex forms, a process referred to as morphological generalization, using an elicited production task (Publication IV).
The findings obtained in the four manuscripts, either published or under review, provide significant insights into the role of productivity in Hebrew morphological processing and generalization in L1 and L2 speakers. Firstly, the present L1 data revealed a close relationship between productivity of Hebrew verbal classes and recognition process, as revealed in both priming techniques. The consonantal root was accessed only in the productive class (Piel) but not the unproductive class (Paal). Another dissociation between the two classes was revealed in the cross-modal priming, yielding a semantic relatedness effect only for Paal but not Piel primes. These findings are taken to reflect that the Hebrew mental representations display a balance between stored undecomposable unstructured stems (Paal) and decomposed structured stems (Piel), in a similar manner to a typical dual-route architecture, showing that the Hebrew mental lexicon is less unique than previously claimed in psycholinguistic research. The results of the generalization study, however, indicate that there are still substantial differences between inflectional classes of Hebrew and other Indo-European classes, particularly in the type of information they rely on in generalization to novel forms. Hebrew binyan generalization relies more on cues of argument structure and less on phonological cues.
Secondly, clear L1/L2 differences were observed in the sensitivity to abstract morphological and morpho-syntactic information during complex word recognition and generalization. While L1 Hebrew speakers were sensitive to the binyan information during recognition, expressed by the contrast in root priming, L2 speakers showed similar root priming effects for both classes, but only when the primes were presented in an infinitive form. A root priming effect was not obtained for primes in a finite form. These patterns are interpreted as evidence for a reduced sensitivity of L2 speakers to morphological information, such as information about inflectional classes, and evidence for processing costs in recognition of forms carrying complex morpho-syntactic information. Reduced reliance on structural information cues was found in production of novel verbal forms, when the L2 group displayed a weaker effect of argument structure for Piel responses, in comparison to the L1 group. Given the L2 results, we suggest that morphological and morphosyntactic information remains challenging for late bilinguals, even at high proficiency levels.
Word forms such as walked or walker are decomposed into their morphological constituents (walk + -ed/-er) during language comprehension. Yet, the efficiency of morphological decomposition seems to vary for different languages and morphological types, as well as for first and second language speakers. The current study reports results from a visual masked priming experiment focusing on different types of derived word forms (specifically prefixed vs. suffixed) in first and second language speakers of German. We compared the present findings with results from previous studies on inflection and compounding and proposed an account of morphological decomposition that captures both the variability and the consistency of morphological decomposition for different morphological types and for first and second language speakers. Open Practices This article has been awarded an Open Materials badge. Study materials are publicly accessible via the Open Science Framework at . Learn more about the Open Practices badges from the Center for Open Science: .
Preface
(2019)