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The current study examined the impact of the Good Behavior Game (GBG) on the academic engagement (AE) and disruptive behavior (DB) of at-risk students' in a German inclusive primary school sample using behavioral progress monitoring.
A multiple baseline design across participants was employed to evaluate the effects of the GBG on 35 primary school students in seven classrooms from grade 1 to 3 (M-age = 8.01 years, SDage = 0.81 years).
The implementation of the GBG was randomly staggered by 2 weeks across classrooms. Teacher-completed Direct Behavior Rating (DBR) was applied to measure AE and DB. We used piecewise regression and a multilevel extension to estimate the individual case-specific treatment effects as well as the generalized effects across cases.
Piecewise regressions for each case showed significant immediate treatment effects for the majority of participants (82.86%) for one or both outcome measures.
The multilevel approach revealed that the GBG improved at-risk students' classroom behaviors generally with a significant immediate treatment effect across cases (for AE, B = 0.74, p < 0.001; for DB, B = -1.29, p < 0.001).
The moderation between intervention effectiveness and teacher ratings of students' risks for externalizing psychosocial problems was significant for DB (B = -0.07, p = 0.047) but not for AE.
Findings are consistent with previous studies indicating that the GBG is an appropriate classroom-based intervention for at-risk students and expand the literature regarding differential effects for affected students.
In addition, the study supports the relevance of behavioral progress monitoring and data-based decision-making in inclusive schools in order to evaluate the effectiveness of the GBG and, if necessary, to modify the intervention for individual students or the whole group.
As cultural diversity is increasing around the globe, a more nuanced understanding of the cultural diversity climate in classroom settings is needed, including how its different aspects relate to student outcomes. We developed the Classroom Cultural Diversity Climate Scale (CCDCS), integrating theory and research from social psychology and multicultural education and including novel facets like polyculturalism, which has not been studied in the school context before. We then studied associations with intergroup relations, socio-emotional adjustment, and school achievement among students of immigrant and non-immigrant background at the individual and classroom levels. The scale includes six subscales in the two broad dimensions of equality and inclusion: contact and cooperation, (un)equal treatment, and color-evasion, and cultural pluralism: heritage and intercultural learning, critical consciousness, and polyculturalism. Using data from 1,335 secondary school students in Germany (Mage = 14.7; 51% male; 51% immigrant background), the scale demonstrated measurement invariance by immigrant background, gender, and school track, and reliability at individual and classroom levels. A more positive diversity climate, with better intercultural relations (equality and inclusion) and more opportunities to learn about cultural diversity (cultural pluralism), was associated with more positive student outcomes. Interestingly, polyculturalism was not associated with negative effects observed for other facets of cultural pluralism. Relations for different climate aspects also varied by outcome and students' immigrant background. This underscores the importance of a nuanced perspective when evaluating different approaches to cultural diversity in context.
Background: Societies worldwide have become more diverse yet continue to be inequitable. Understanding how youth growing up in these societies are socialized and consequently develop racial knowledge has important implications not only for their well-being but also for building more just societies. Importantly, there is a lack of research on these topics in Germany and Europe in general.
Aim and Method: The overarching aim of the dissertation is to investigate 1) where and how ethnic-racial socialization (ERS) happens in inequitable societies and 2) how it relates to youth’s development of racial knowledge, which comprises racial beliefs (e.g., prejudice, attitudes), behaviors (e.g., actions preserving or disrupting inequities), and identities (e.g., inclusive, cultural). Guided by developmental, cultural, and ecological theories of socialization and development, I first explored how family, as a crucial socialization context, contributes to the preservation or disruption of racism and xenophobia in inequitable societies through its influence on children’s racial beliefs and behaviors. I conducted a literature review and developed a conceptual model bridging research on ethnic-racial socialization and intergroup relations (Study 1). After documenting the lack of research on socialization and development of racial knowledge within and beyond family contexts outside of the U.S., I conducted a qualitative study to explore ERS in Germany through the lens of racially marginalized youth (Study 2). Then, I conducted two quantitative studies to explore the separate and interacting relations of multiple (i.e., family, school) socialization contexts for the development of racial beliefs and behaviors (Study 3), and identities (Studies 3, 4) in Germany. Participants of Study 2 were 26 young adults (aged between 19 and 32) of Turkish, Kurdish, East, and Southeast Asian heritage living across different cities in Germany. Study 3 was conducted with 503 eighth graders of immigrant and non-immigrant descent (Mage = 13.67) in Berlin, Study 4 included 311 early to mid-adolescents of immigrant descent (Mage= 13.85) in North Rhine-Westphalia with diverse cultural backgrounds.
Results and Conclusion: The findings revealed that privileged or marginalized positions of families in relation to their ethnic-racial and religious background in society entail differential experiences and thus are an important determining factor for the content/process of socialization and development of youth’s racial knowledge. Until recently, ERS research mostly focused on investigating how racially marginalized families have been the sources of support for their children in resisting racism and how racially privileged families contribute to transmission of information upholding racism (Study 1). ERS for racially marginalized youth in Germany centered heritage culture, discrimination, and resistance strategies to racism, yet resistance strategies transmitted to youth mostly help to survive racism (e.g., working hard) by upholding it instead of liberating themselves from racism by disrupting it (e.g., self-advocacy, Study 2). Furthermore, when families and schools foster heritage and intercultural learning, both contexts may separately promote stronger identification with heritage culture and German identities, and more prosocial intentions towards disadvantaged groups (i.e., refugees) among youth (Studies 3, 4). However, equal treatment in the school context led to mixed results: equal treatment was either unrelated to inclusive identity, or positively related to German and negatively related to heritage culture identities (Studies 3, 4). Additionally, youth receiving messages highlighting strained and preferential intergroup relations at home while attending schools promoting assimilation may develop a stronger heritage culture identity (Study 4). In conclusion, ERS happened across various social contexts (i.e., family, community centers, school, neighborhood, peer). ERS promoting heritage and intercultural learning, at least in one social context (family or school), might foster youth’s racial knowledge manifesting in stronger belonging to multiple cultures and in prosocial intentions toward disadvantaged groups. However, there is a need for ERS targeting increasing awareness of discrimination across social contexts of youth and teaching youth resistance strategies for liberation from racism.
We tested whether a brief self-affirmation writing intervention protected against identity-threats (i.e., stereotyping and discrimination) for adolescents' school-related adjustment. The longitudinal study followed 639 adolescents in Germany (65% of immigrant descent, 50% female, M-age = 12.35 years, SDage = .69) from 7(th) grade (pre-intervention at T1, five to six months post-intervention at T2) to the end of 8(th) grade (one-year follow-up at T3). We tested for direct and moderated (by heritage group, discrimination, classroom cultural diversity climate) effects using regression and latent change models. The self-affirmation intervention did not promote grades or math competence. However, in the short-term and for adolescents of immigrant descent, the intervention prevented a downward trajectory in mastery reactions to academic challenges for those experiencing greater discrimination. Further, it protected against a decline in behavioral school engagement for those in positive classroom cultural diversity climates. In the long-term and for all adolescents, the intervention lessened an upward trajectory in disruptive behavior. Overall, the self-affirmation intervention benefited some aspects of school-related adjustment for adolescents of immigrant and non-immigrant descent. The intervention context is important, with classroom cultural diversity climate acting as a psychological affordance enhancing affirmation effects. Our study supports the ongoing call for theorizing and empirically testing student and context heterogeneity to better understand for whom and under which conditions this intervention may work.
In his essay, Mel Ainscow looks at inclusion and equity from an international perspective and makes suggestions on how to develop inclusive education in a ‘whole-system approach’. After discussing different conceptions of inclusion and equity, he describes international policies which address them. From this international macro-level, Ainscow zooms in to the meso-level of the school and its immediate environment, defining dimensions to be considered for an inclusive school development. One of these dimensions is the ‘use of evidence’. In my comment, I want to focus on this dimension and discuss its scope and the potential to apply it in inclusive education development. As a first and important precondition, Ainscow explains that different circumstances lead to different linguistic uses of the term ‘inclusive education’. Thus, the term ‘inclusive education’ does not refer to an identical set of objectives across countries, and neither does the term ‘equity’.
In his essay, Mel Ainscow looks at inclusion and equity from an international perspective and makes suggestions on how to develop inclusive education in a ‘whole-system approach’. After discussing different conceptions of inclusion and equity, he describes international policies which address them. From this international macro-level, Ainscow zooms in to the meso-level of the school and its immediate environment, defining dimensions to be considered for an inclusive school development. One of these dimensions is the ‘use of evidence’. In my comment, I want to focus on this dimension and discuss its scope and the potential to apply it in inclusive education development. As a first and important precondition, Ainscow explains that different circumstances lead to different linguistic uses of the term ‘inclusive education’. Thus, the term ‘inclusive education’ does not refer to an identical set of objectives across countries, and neither does the term ‘equity’.
Across continental Europe, educational research samples are often divided by 'migrant background', a binary variable criticized for masking participant heterogeneity and reinforcing exclusionary norms of belonging.
This study endorses more meaningful, representative, and precise research by offering four guiding questions for selecting relevant, social justice oriented, and feasible social categories for collecting and analysing data in psychological and educational research. Using a preregistered empirical example, we first compare selected social categories ('migrant background', family heritage, religion, citizenship, cultural identification, and generation status) in their potential to reveal participant heterogeneity.
Second, we investigate differences in means and relations between variables (discrimination experiences, perceived societal Islamophobia, and national identity) and academic motivation among 1335 adolescents in Germany (48% female, M-age = 14.69). Regression analyses and multigroup SEM revealed differential experiences with and implications of discrimination for academic motivation.
Results highlight the need for a deliberate, transparent use of social categories to make discrimination visible and centre participants' subjective experiences.
Being perceived as a foreigner regardless of one's generational status, citizenship, or self-identification is called foreigner objectification. This is a form of identity denial and is linked to psychological distress. To test how foreigner objectification could be measured in Europe, we assessed whether the Foreigner Objectification Scale demonstrated reliability and validity with German adolescents. The sample included 806 9th graders from 17 high schools. The results showed that the scale demonstrates good reliability, scalar measurement invariance across gender and citizenship status, and partial scalar measurement invariance across family heritage, generational status, and cultural self-identification. Adolescents who scored higher on the scale also reported greater school behavioral disengagement, lower life satisfaction, and stronger ethnic identity. Our findings suggest that the scale is psychometrically sound and is linked in theoretically consistent ways to adjustment and ethnic identity. We conclude that this scale offers another way to capture subtle discrimination experiences that add to a more comprehensive understanding of discrimination and the related implications in Europe.
Classroom noise impairs students' cognition and learning. At a first glance, it seems useful to prevent the negative effects of noise on academic learning by wearing noise-cancelling (NC) headphones during class. The literature and guidelines emphasize the academic benefits of wearing NC headphones (decreased auditory distraction, increased concentration, learning improvement, and decreased distress). These benefits are particularly expected for students with special needs. None of the recommendations to wear NC headphones during class refer to any empirical studies, indicating a potential research gap and lack of evidence. Therefore, the question arises: Is there any empirical evidence supporting academic benefits of wearing NC headphones during class for typically developing students or students with special needs? A total of 13 empirical studies (quantitative and qualitative) were identified through a systematic scoping review of the existing literature. A wide range of outcomes (cognition, learning, academic performance, behaviour, and emotions) were reported related to the use of NC headphones. Most of the studies refer to specific groups of students with special needs (learning disabilities, autism, ADHD, etc.). In view of the limited number of studies, small sample sizes, and lack of replication studies, all studies give the impression of being pilot studies on the academic benefits of wearing NC headphones. The practice of wearing NC headphones during class is an understudied topic. The current body of evidence does not meet the standards for evidence-based practices in both general and special education. Implications for educational practice and future research are discussed.