• Treffer 15 von 51
Zurück zur Trefferliste

Semantic preview benefit and cost

  • How is semantic information in the mental lexicon accessed and selected during reading? Readers process information of both the foveal and parafoveal words. Recent eye-tracking studies hint at bi-phasic lexical activation dynamics, demonstrating that semantically related parafoveal previews can either facilitate, or interfere with lexical processing of target words in comparison to unrelated previews, with the size and direction of the effect depending on exposure time to parafoveal previews. However, evidence to date is only correlational, because exposure time was determined by participants' pre-target fixation durations. Here we experimentally controlled parafoveal preview exposure duration using a combination of the gaze-contingent fast-priming and boundary paradigms. We manipulated preview duration and examined the time course of parafoveal semantic activation during the oral reading of Chinese sentences in three experiments. Semantic previews led to faster lexical access of target words than unrelated previews only when theHow is semantic information in the mental lexicon accessed and selected during reading? Readers process information of both the foveal and parafoveal words. Recent eye-tracking studies hint at bi-phasic lexical activation dynamics, demonstrating that semantically related parafoveal previews can either facilitate, or interfere with lexical processing of target words in comparison to unrelated previews, with the size and direction of the effect depending on exposure time to parafoveal previews. However, evidence to date is only correlational, because exposure time was determined by participants' pre-target fixation durations. Here we experimentally controlled parafoveal preview exposure duration using a combination of the gaze-contingent fast-priming and boundary paradigms. We manipulated preview duration and examined the time course of parafoveal semantic activation during the oral reading of Chinese sentences in three experiments. Semantic previews led to faster lexical access of target words than unrelated previews only when the previews were presented briefly (80 ms in Experiments 1 and 3). Longer exposure time (100 ms or 150 ms) eliminated semantic preview effects, and full preview without duration limit resulted in preview cost, i.e., a reversal of preview benefit. Our results indicate that high-level semantic information can be obtained from parafoveal words and the size and direction of the parafoveal semantic effect depends on the level of lexical activation.zeige mehrzeige weniger

Metadaten exportieren

Weitere Dienste

Suche bei Google Scholar Statistik - Anzahl der Zugriffe auf das Dokument
Metadaten
Verfasserangaben:Jinger PanORCiD, Ming YanORCiD, Jochen LaubrockORCiDGND
DOI:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2020.104452
ISSN:0010-0277
ISSN:1873-7838
Pubmed ID:https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/32971508
Titel des übergeordneten Werks (Englisch):Cognition : international journal of cognitive science
Untertitel (Englisch):evidence from parafoveal fast-priming paradigm
Verlag:Elsevier
Verlagsort:Amsterdam
Publikationstyp:Wissenschaftlicher Artikel
Sprache:Englisch
Datum der Erstveröffentlichung:22.09.2020
Erscheinungsjahr:2020
Datum der Freischaltung:19.01.2024
Freies Schlagwort / Tag:Chinese; oral reading; parafoveal; semantic preview cost
Band:205
Aufsatznummer:104452
Seitenanzahl:10
Fördernde Institution:Deutsche ForschungsgemeinschaftGerman Research Foundation (DFG) [LA; 2884/2]; Research Grants Council of Hong Kong Special Administrative; Region, P. R. ChinaHong Kong Research Grants Council [EdUHK ECS; 28606818]
Organisationseinheiten:Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät / Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften / Department Psychologie
DDC-Klassifikation:1 Philosophie und Psychologie / 15 Psychologie / 150 Psychologie
Peer Review:Referiert
Verstanden ✔
Diese Webseite verwendet technisch erforderliche Session-Cookies. Durch die weitere Nutzung der Webseite stimmen Sie diesem zu. Unsere Datenschutzerklärung finden Sie hier.