Linguistics in Potsdam
ISSN (print) 1616-7392
ISSN (online) 1864-1857
URN urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-series-301
Herausgegeben von
Susann Fischer, Ruben van de Vijver, Ralf Vogel
Institut für Linguistik / Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
Universität Potsdam
ISSN (online) 1864-1857
URN urn:nbn:de:kobv:517-series-301
Herausgegeben von
Susann Fischer, Ruben van de Vijver, Ralf Vogel
Institut für Linguistik / Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
Universität Potsdam
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7, 3. Aufl.
Phonologie des Deutschen
(2004)
Inhalt: Kapitel 1: Phonetische Grundlagen: Akustische Phonetik Kapitel 2: Phonetische Grundlagen: Artikulatorische Phonetik Kapitel 3: Segment und Allophonie Kapitel 4: Distinktive Merkmale Kapitel 5: Die Silbe: prosodische Struktur der Wörter Kapitel 6: Derivationen und OT: die phonologischen Theorien
23
In dieser Arbeit wird ein Verfahren für robustes Parsing von uneingeschränktem natürlichsprachlichen Text mit gewichteten Transduktoren erarbeitet. Es werden zwei linguistische Theorien, das Chunking und das syntaktische Tagging, vorgestellt, die sich besonders für die praktische Anwendung mit Finite-State Maschinen eignen. Über die formalen Grundlagen, die es möglich machen, Finite-State Maschinen zu modellieren, werden existierende Ansätze vorgestellt, die diese linguistischen Theorien mit Finite-State Maschinen realisieren. Jedoch sind diese Ansätze in vieler Hinsicht problematisch. Es wird gezeigt, dass sich Probleme lösen lassen, indem Disambiguierungsstrategien durch Constraints realisiert werden, die als Gewicht bzw. Semiring vorliegen. Durch die Bestimmung des besten Pfades ist dann eine Disambiguierung möglich. Das Verfahren bewegt sich zwischen einem Low- und High-Level Parsing und behandelt flache Dependenzstrukturen. Für die Analyse wird eine rudimentäre Grammatik für das Deutsche entwickelt. Durch eine Implementierung wird letztlich der Ansatz getestet.
27
Phonology limited
(2007)
Phonology Limited is a study of the areas of phonology where the application of optimality theory (OT) has previously been problematic. Evidence from a wide variety of phenomena in a wide variety of languages is presented to show that interactions involving more than just faithfulness and markedness are best analyzed as involving language-specific morphological constraints rather than universal phonological constraints. OT has proved to be a highly insightful and successful theory of linguistics in general and phonology in particular, focusing as it does on surface forms and treating the relationship between inputs and outputs as a form of conflict resolution. Yet there have also been a number of serious problems with the approach that have led some detractors to argue that OT has failed as a theory of generative grammar. The most serious of these problems is opacity, defined as a state of affairs where the grammatical output of a given input appears to violate more constraints than an ungrammatical competitor. It is argued that these problems disappear once language-specific morphological constraints are allowed to play a significant role in analysis. Specifically, a number of processes of Tiberian Hebrew traditionally considered opaque are reexamined and shown to be straightforwardly transparent, but crucially involving morphological constraints on form, such as a constraint requiring certain morphological forms to end with a syllabic trochee, or a constraint requiring paradigm uniformity with regard to the occurrence of fricative allophones of stop phonemes. Language-specific morphological constraints are also shown to play a role in allomorphy, where a lexeme is associated with more than one input; the constraint hierarchy then decides which input is grammatical in which context. For example, [ɨ]/[ə] and [u]/[ə] alternation found in some lexemes but not in others in Welsh is attributed to the presence of two inputs for the lexemes with the alternation. A novel analysis of the initial consonant mutations of the modern Celtic languages argues that mutated forms are separately listed inputs chosen in appropriate contexts by constraints on morphology and syntax, rather than being outputs that are phonologically unfaithful to their unmutated inputs. Finally, static irregularities and lexical exceptions are examined and shown to be attributable to language-specific morphological constraints. In American English, the distribution of tense and lax vowels is predictable in several contexts; however, in some contexts, the distributions of tense [ɔ] vs. lax [a] and of tense [æ] vs. lax [æ] are not as expected. It is shown that clusters of output-output faithfulness constraints create a pattern to which words are attracted, which however violates general phonological considerations. New words that enter the language first obey the general phonological considerations before being attracted into the language-specific exceptional pattern.