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Vor der Gewalt
(2023)
Nationalism was declared to be dead too early. A postnational age was announced, and liberalism claimed to have been victorious by the end of the Cold War. At the same time postnational order was proclaimed in which transnational alliances like the European Union were supposed to become more important in international relations. But we witnessed the rise a strong nationalism during the early 21st century instead, and right wing parties are able to gain more and more votes in elections that are often characterized by nationalist agendas. This volume shows how nationalist dreams and fears alike determine politics in an age that was supposed to witness a rather peaceful coexistence by those who consider transnational ideas more valuable than national demands. It will deal with different case studies to show why and how nationalism made its way back to the common consciousness and which elements stimulated the re-establishment of the aggressive nation state. The volume will therefore look at the continuities of empire, actual and imagined, the role of "foreign-" and "otherness" for nationalist narratives, and try to explain how globalization stimulated the rise of 21st century nationalisms as well.
Captive Red Army soldiers made up the majority of victims of Nazi Germany’s starvation policy against Soviet civilians and other non-combatants and thus constituted the largest single victim group of the German war of annihilation against the Soviet Union. Indeed, Soviet prisoners of war were the largest victim group of all National Socialist annihilation policies after the European Jews. Before the launch of Operation Barbarossa, it was clear to the Wehrmacht planning departments on exactly what scale they could expect to capture Soviet troops. Yet, they neglected to make the necessary preparations for feeding and sheltering the captured soldiers, who were viewed by the economic staffs and the military leadership alike as direct competitors of German troops and the German home front for precious food supplies. The number of extra mouths to feed was incompatible with German war aims. The obvious limitations on their freedom of movement and the relative ease with which large numbers could be segregated and their rations controlled were crucial factors in the death of over 3 million Soviet POWs, the vast majority directly or indirectly as a result of deliberate policies of neglect, undernourishment, and starvation while in the ‘care’ of the Wehrmacht. The most reliable figures for the mortality of Soviet POWs in German captivity reveal that up to 3.3 million died from a total of just over 5.7 million captured between June 1941 and February 1945 — a proportion of almost 58 percent. Of these, 2 million were already dead by the beginning of February 1942. In English, there is still neither a single monograph nor a single edited volume dedicated to the subject. This article now provides the first detailed stand-alone synthesis in that language addressing the whole period from 1941 to 1945.
This open access book is about Mozambicans and Angolans who migrated in state-sponsored schemes to East Germany in the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s. They went to work and to be trained as a vanguard labor force for the intended African industrial revolutions. While they were there, they contributed their labor power to the East German economy.
This book draws on more than 260 life history interviews and uncovers complex and contradictory experiences and transnational encounters. What emerges is a series of dualities that exist side by side in the memories of the former migrants: the state and the individual, work and consumption, integration and exclusion, loss and gain, and the past in the past and the past in the present and future. By uncovering these dualities, the book explores the lives of African migrants moving between the Third and Second worlds.
Devoted to the memories of worker-trainees, this transnational study comes at a time when historians are uncovering the many varied, complicated, and important connections within the global socialist world.
Legitimiertes Unrecht
(2024)
Das Oberste Gericht der DDR war integraler Bestandteil der sozialistischen Staatsführung und unterlag strengen Denk- und Organisationsstrukturen. Es war eng in die politische Agenda der SED eingebunden und genoss keinerlei Unabhängigkeit. Die Auslegung des DDR-Rechts durch das Gericht orientierte sich ausschließlich an den innen- und außenpolitischen Interessen der SED. Dies galt auch für die Rechtsprechung in Fällen der Republikflucht und ihrer gesetzlichen Vorläufer. Die höchste Gerichtsinstanz im Staat war aktiv an der Gestaltung und Umsetzung der Strafjustiz gegen Republikflüchtige beteiligt, was wesentlich zur Festigung der Herrschaftsgewalt der SED beitrug. Die vorliegende Untersuchung analysiert Urteile des Obersten Gerichts im historisch-politischen Kontext und zeigt auf, dass die Urteilspraxis ausschließlich im Interesse parteipolitischer Ziele handelte und weder dem Volk noch der eigentlichen Rechtsfindung verpflichtet war. Des Weiteren wird der maßgebliche Beitrag des Obersten Gerichts an der schrittweisen Kriminalisierung der Bürger der DDR beleuchtet. Dies wirft ein kritisches Licht auf die Rolle des Rechtssystems bei der Sicherung von Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Menschenrechten in autoritären Regimen.
Liebesgaben aus West-Berlin
(2023)
Eine Frage der Würdigkeit?
(2023)
Die DDR im Plural
(2023)
DDR im Plural
(2023)
Es gab nicht nur eine DDR. Ob Unrechtsstaat, Fürsorgediktatur oder „Nischengesellschaft“: Der ehemalige ostdeutsche Teilstaat hat in Geschichtswissenschaft und öffentlichen Debatten diverse Deutungen erfahren. Ebenso plural sind die Erfahrungen und Erinnerungen der Menschen, die in der DDR lebten. In „Die DDR im Plural“ zeigen 25 junge Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler in anschaulichen Beiträgen, wie sie sich mit neuen Forschungsansätzen dem vielschichtigen Wesen der DDR und seinen Nachwirkungen bis in die gesamtdeutsche Gegenwart annähern. In prägnanten, kurzen Texten widmen sie sich unter anderem dem alltäglichen Leben, kulturellen Räumen, aber auch dem Politik- und Sicherheitsapparat. Die gewählten Perspektiven reichen von der Aufbauzeit bis zu den Jahren nach der „Wende“. Der Band spiegelt die Methodenvielfalt aktueller Forschungen und lädt zum weiteren Nachdenken über die DDR und Ostdeutschland ein.
In the Shadow of Ukraine
(2022)
In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties' return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India's relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India's interest to swing westwards. The country's relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act.
Spring Issue
(2024)
Editorial
(2023)