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Así que als Diskursmarker
(2015)
The present paper discusses Spanish así que (‘so that’) as a discourse marker by means of data that are retrieved from the Corpus del Español. The synchronic study has both a quantitative and a qualitative side. From a quantitative perspective the use of así que as a discourse marker is compared with its use as a conjunction. It is shown that así que as a conjunction is far more frequent. The qualitative analysis focuses on the different procedural meanings of así que: it can be used to introduce a summary, a consequence or an inference, and, on behalf of the interlocutor, even a question. The study furthermore reveals that así que as a discourse marker can well be analysed in terms of adfunctionalization / capitalization, i.e. when an already existing means of expression becomes exploited for wider purposes. In this context, the notions of grammaticalization, lexicalization and pragmaticalization are also briefly discussed.
In recent years, the category of evidentiality has also come into use for the description of Romance languages and of German. This has been contingent on a change in its interpretation from a typological category to a semantic-pragmatic category, which allows an application to languages lacking specialised morphemes for the expression of evidentiality. We consider evidentiality to be a structural dimension of grammar, the values of which are expressed by types of constructions that code the source of information which a speaker imparts. If we look at the situation in Romance languages and in German, drawing a boundary between epistemic modality and evidentiality presents problems that are difficult to solve. Adding markers of the source of the speaker’s knowledge often limits the degree of responsibility of the speaker for the content of the utterance. Evidential adverbs are a frequently used means of marking the source of the speaker’s knowledge. The evidential meaning is generalised to marking any source of knowledge, what can be regarded as a result of a process of pragmaticalisation. The use of certain means which also carry out evidential markings can even contribute to the blurring of the different kinds of evidentiality. German also has modal verbs which in conjunction with the perfect tense of the verb have a predominantly evidential use (sollen and wollen). But even here the evidential marking is not without influence on the modality of the utterance. The Romance languages, however, do not have such specialised verbs for expressing evidentiality in certain contexts. To do this, they mark evidentiality – often context bound – by verb forms such as the conditional and the imperfect tense. This article shall contrast the different architectures used in expressing evidentiality in German and in the Romance languages.