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The aim of the present thesis is to answer the question to what degree the processes involved in sentence comprehension are sensitive to task demands. A central phenomenon in this regard is the so-called ambiguity advantage, which is the finding that ambiguous sentences can be easier to process than unambiguous sentences. This finding may appear counterintuitive, because more meanings should be associated with a higher computational effort. Currently, two theories exist that can explain this finding.
The Unrestricted Race Model (URM) by van Gompel et al. (2001) assumes that several sentence interpretations are computed in parallel, whenever possible, and that the first interpretation to be computed is assigned to the sentence. Because the duration of each structure-building process varies from trial to trial, the parallelism in structure-building predicts that ambiguous sentences should be processed faster. This is because when two structures are permissible, the chances that some interpretation will be computed quickly are higher than when only one specific structure is permissible. Importantly, the URM is not sensitive to task demands such as the type of comprehension questions being asked.
A radically different proposal is the strategic underspecification model by Swets et al. (2008). It assumes that readers do not attempt to resolve ambiguities unless it is absolutely necessary. In other words, they underspecify. According the strategic underspecification hypothesis, all attested replications of the ambiguity advantage are due to the fact that in those experiments, readers were not required to fully understand the sentence.
In this thesis, these two models of the parser’s actions at choice-points in the sentence are presented and evaluated. First, it is argued that the Swets et al.’s (2008) evidence against the URM and in favor of underspecification is inconclusive. Next, the precise predictions of the URM as well as the underspecification model are refined. Subsequently, a self-paced reading experiment involving the attachment of pre-nominal relative clauses in Turkish is presented, which provides evidence against strategical underspecification. A further experiment is presented which investigated relative clause attachment in German using the speed-accuracy tradeoff (SAT) paradigm. The experiment provides evidence against strategic underspecification and in favor of the URM. Furthermore the results of the experiment are used to argue that human sentence comprehension is fallible, and that theories of parsing should be able to account for that fact. Finally, a third experiment is presented, which provides evidence for the sensitivity to task demands in the treatment of ambiguities. Because this finding is incompatible with the URM, and because the strategic underspecification model has been ruled out, a new model of ambiguity resolution is proposed: the stochastic multiple-channel model of ambiguity resolution (SMCM). It is further shown that the quantitative predictions of the SMCM are in agreement with experimental data.
In conclusion, it is argued that the human sentence comprehension system is parallel and fallible, and that it is sensitive to task-demands.
The main research question of this thesis concerns the relation between focus interpretation, focus realization, and association with focus in the West Chadic language Ngamo.
Concerning the relation between focus realization and interpretation, this thesis contributes to the question, cross-linguistically, what factors influence a marked realization of the focus/background distinction. There is background-marking rather than focus-marking in Ngamo, and the background marker is related to the definite determiner in the language. Using original fieldwork data as a basis, a formal semantic analysis of the background marker as a definite determiner of situations is proposed.
Concerning the relation between focus and association with focus, the thesis adds to the growing body of crosslinguistic evidence that not all so-called focus-sensitive operators always associate with focus. The thesis shows that while the exclusive particle yak('i) (= "only") in Ngamo conventionally associates
with focus, the particles har('i) (= "even, as far as, until, already"), and ke('e) (= "also, and") do not.
The thesis provides an analysis of these phenomena in a situation semantic framework.
One of the central questions in psycholinguistic is understanding whether and how prosodic phrase boundaries are used to resolve syntactic ambiguities in sentence processing. The present work aimed to answer both, first, the effects of φ- and ι-boundaries on syntactic ambiguity resolution, and second, how the prosodic correlates of the auditory input are taken for the phonetic-phonology mapping in order to attain a meaningful sentence interpretation.
With regard to the first aim, we investigated locally syntactic ambiguities involving either φ- or ι-phrase boundaries in German and the structural preference that listeners have, based on the prosodic content. The experiments described in this work show that German listeners exploit both types of prosodic phrase boundaries to resolve local syntactic ambiguities, that however, their disambiguation altered by the presence or absence of prosodic cues correlated with the corresponding boundary. Specifically, the perception data revealed that the phonetically measured prosodic correlates of each prosodic boundary such as pitch accents, boundary tones, deaccentuation and durational properties do not contribute to ambiguity resolution in equal measure. Rather, it is the case that listeners rely primarily on prefinal lengthening as a correlate of phrasing in the vicinity of φ-phrase boundaries, while at the level of the ι-phrase boundary, boundary tones serve as phrasal cues. This way the results of the present work take account of the as yet missing information on individual contributions of prosodic correlates on listeners’ disambiguation of syntactically ambiguous sentences in German. It further implies that the question of how German listeners resolve syntactic ambiguities cannot simply be attributed to the presence or absence of prosodic correlates. The interpretation of the phrasal structure rather depends on a more general picture of cohesion between prosodic correlates and prosodic boundary sizes.
With respect to the second aim, the processing models proposed in the present work describe a specific phonetics-phonology mapping in the vicinity of both phrase boundaries. It is assumed that auditory sentence processing proceeds in several successively organized steps, during which listeners transform overt phonetic forms into language specific abstract surface forms. This process is referred to as phonetics-phonology mapping in the present work. Perceptual evidence resulting from the experiments of the present work suggest that the phonetics-phonology mapping is guided by the above mentioned boundary related prosodic correlates. The resulting abstract phonological structure is subjected to the syntax-prosody mapping, in turn. The outcome of the presented perception experiments are modulated in an Optimality-Theoretic framework. The offered OT-models are grounded on the assumption that single prosodic correlates are used by listeners as a signal to syntax in sentence processing. This is in line with studies arguing that the prosodic phrase structure determines the syntactic parse (Cutler et al., 1997; Warren et al., 1995; Pynte & Prieur, 1996; Snedeker & Trueswell, 2003; Kjelgaard & Speer, 1999), to name just a few.
Así que als Diskursmarker
(2015)
The present paper discusses Spanish así que (‘so that’) as a discourse marker by means of data that are retrieved from the Corpus del Español. The synchronic study has both a quantitative and a qualitative side. From a quantitative perspective the use of así que as a discourse marker is compared with its use as a conjunction. It is shown that así que as a conjunction is far more frequent. The qualitative analysis focuses on the different procedural meanings of así que: it can be used to introduce a summary, a consequence or an inference, and, on behalf of the interlocutor, even a question. The study furthermore reveals that así que as a discourse marker can well be analysed in terms of adfunctionalization / capitalization, i.e. when an already existing means of expression becomes exploited for wider purposes. In this context, the notions of grammaticalization, lexicalization and pragmaticalization are also briefly discussed.