Die neuere Literaturtheorie hat sich mit dem Sachverhalt auseinanderzusetzen, dass immer mehr zeitgenössische Erzähltexte durchgehend das Präsens nutzen, um zu erzählen. Das deutschsprachige Mittelalter kennt solche durchgängig im Präsens erzählenden Texte, also solche, die das ›narrative Präsens‹ verwenden, unserem Wissen nach nicht. Was es kennt, ist der punktuelle Gebrauch des Präsens in Texten, die ansonsten nahezu durchgängig im epischen Präteritum abgefasst sind, also ein Präsens, das oft als ›historisches‹ bezeichnet wird, das sich für das Mittelhochdeutsche jedoch besser als ›punktuelles Präsens‹ fassen lässt. Die Verwendung eines solchen Präsens bildet den Gegenstand dieses Beitrages. Wir verfolgen dabei die Frage, wie sich dieser Tempusgebrauch narratologisch beschreiben lässt und welche Auswirkungen er auf die diegetische Struktur eines Erzähltextes hat. Diese Frage, mag sie auch schlicht daherkommen, ist eine recht voraussetzungsreiche, erfordert sie doch zwei grundsätzliche Klärungen. Zunächst die nach der ganz allgemeinen Temporalität des Präsens. Was sagt das Präsens über die zeitliche Lagerung einer Aussage überhaupt aus? Außerdem berührt der Versuch, den Präsensgebrauch in Erzähltexten narratologisch zu beschreiben, auch die Frage, ob sich die Funktion von Tempora in narrativen und/oder fiktionalen Texten ändert oder ändern kann. Beides sind nicht nur umfassende und komplexe Fragen, sondern auch solche, die in der Forschung hochgradig umstritten sind. Unsere Überlegungen hierzu können angesichts dessen nur skizzenhaft und vorläufig sein.

Empirical investigations on the uncanny valley have almost solely focused on the analysis of people?s noninteractive perception of a robot at first sight. Recent studies suggest, however, that these uncanny first impressions may be significantly altered over an interaction. What is yet to discover is whether certain interaction patterns can lead to a faster decline in uncanny feelings. In this paper, we present a study in which participants with limited expertise in Computer Science played a collaborative geography game with a Furhat robot. During the game, Furhat displayed one of two personalities, which corresponded to two different interaction strategies. The robot was either optimistic and encouraging, or impatient and provocative. We performed the study in a science museum and recruited participants among the visitors. Our findings suggest that a robot that is rated high on agreeableness, emotional stability, and conscientiousness can indeed weaken uncanny feelings. This study has important implications for human-robot interaction design as it further highlights that a first impression, merely based on a robot?s appearance, is not indicative of the affinity people might develop towards it throughout an interaction. We thus argue that future work should emphasize investigations on exact interaction patterns that can help to overcome uncanny feelings.

This paper presents the results of a novel experimental approach to relative quantifier scope in German that elicits data in an indirect manner. Applying the covered-box method (Huang et al. 2013) to scope phenomena, we show that inverse scope is available to some extent in the free constituent order language German, thereby validating earlier findings on other syntactic configurations in German (Rado & Bott 2018) and empirical claims on other free constituent order languages (Japanese, Russian, Hindi), as well as recent corpus findings in Webelhuth (2020). Moreover, the results of the indirect covered-box experiment replicate findings from an earlier direct-query experiment with comparable target items, in which participants were asked directly about the availability of surface scope and inverse scope readings. The configuration of interest consisted of canonical transitive clauses with deaccented existential subject and universal object QPs, in which the restriction of the universal QP was controlled for by the context.

Intuitively, strongly constraining contexts should lead to stronger probabilistic representations of sentences in memory. Encountering unexpected words could therefore be expected to trigger costlier shifts in these representations than expected words. However, psycholinguistic measures commonly used to study probabilistic processing, such as the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component, are sensitive to word predictability but not to contextual constraint. Some research suggests that constraint-related processing cost may be measurable via an ERP positivity following the N400, known as the anterior post-N400 positivity (PNP). The PNP is argued to reflect update of a sentence representation and to be distinct from the posterior P600, which reflects conflict detection and reanalysis. However, constraint-related PNP findings are inconsistent. We sought to conceptually replicate Federmeier et al. (2007) and Kuperberg et al. (2020), who observed that the PNP, but not the N400 or the P600, was affected by constraint at unexpected but plausible words. Using a pre-registered design and statistical approach maximising power, we demonstrated a dissociated effect of predictability and constraint: strong evidence for predictability but not constraint in the N400 window, and strong evidence for constraint but not predictability in the later window. However, the constraint effect was consistent with a P600 and not a PNP, suggesting increased conflict between a strong representation and unexpected input rather than greater update of the representation. We conclude that either a simple strong/weak constraint design is not always sufficient to elicit the PNP, or that previous PNP constraint findings could be an artifact of smaller sample size.

Balkan varieties of Turkic, particularly those on the periphery of the Turkic spread area in the region, such as Gagauz and West Rumelian Turkish, are commonly observed to have head-initial verb phrases. Based on a wide survey, this paper attempts a more precise description of the pattern of VP directionality across Balkan Turkic and shows that there is considerable variation in how prevalent VX order is, a pattern that turns out to be more complex than the previous descriptions suggest: Two spectrums of directionality can be discerned between XV and VX orders, contingent upon type of the dependent of the verb and dialect locale. The paper also explores the grammatical causes underlying this shift in constituent order. First, VX order seems to be dependent upon whether a clause is nominal or not. Nonfinite clauses of the nominal type have XV order across Balkan Turkic, while finite clauses and nonfinite clauses of the converbial type show differing degrees of VX order depending on type of dependent and geographical location. Second, VX order appears to be an outcome of verb movement to the left of the dependent in finite clauses and nonfinite clauses of the converbial type, rather than head parameter shift.