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In der DDR sollte die Rechtsprechung den Zielen der Politik und dem Aufbau sowie der Sicherung des Sozialismus dienen. Zur Verwirklichung dieser Ziele unternahm das SED-Regime insbesondere den Versuch, auf die Ausbildung des juristischen Nachwuchses Einfluss zu nehmen. Die Arbeit untersucht anhand der im Bundesarchiv verwahrten Originalquellen die Anforderungen, die an das juristische Studium in der DDR gestellt wurden, und die Umstände, unter denen die juristische Ausbildung erfolgte. Unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Auswahl, Aus- und Weiterbildung der Staatsanwälte beleuchtet die Arbeit die sog. »Kaderarbeit« der DDR-Justiz sowie die wesentlichen Zulassungs-, Prüfungs-, Studien- und Weiterbildungsbedingungen. Die Auswertung des überlieferten Archivmaterials führt zu der Erkenntnis, dass die Aus- und Weiterbildung der DDR-Juristen zur Sicherstellung der Ziele der sozialistischen Partei durch eine planmäßige und systematische politisch-ideologische Erziehung und Kontrolle bestimmt war.
Die Arbeit „Die Bekämpfung transnationaler Kriminalität im Kontext fragiler Staatlichkeit“ widmet sich dem Phänomen grenzüberschreitend tätiger Akteure der organisierten Kriminalität die den Umstand ausnutzen, dass einige international anerkannte Regierungen nur eine unzureichende Kontrolle über Teile ihres Staatsgebietes ausüben. Es wird untersucht, weshalb der durch die internationale Staatengemeinschaft geschaffene Rechtsrahmen, zur Bekämpfung transnationaler Kriminalitätsphänomene im Kontext dieser fragilen Staaten, nicht oder nur defizitär dazu beiträgt die Kriminalitätsphänomene zu bekämpfen.
Nachdem zunächst erörtert wird, was im Rahmen der Untersuchung unter dem Begriff der transnationalen Kriminalität verstanden wird, wird der internationale Rechtsrahmen zur Bekämpfung anhand von fünf beispielhaft ausgewählten transnationalen Kriminalitätsphänomenen beschrieben. Im darauffolgenden Hauptteil der Untersuchung wird der Frage nachgegangen, weshalb dieser durch die internationale Staatengemeinschaft geschaffene Rechtsrahmen, gerade in fragilen Staaten, kaum einen Beitrag dazu leistet solchen Kriminalitätsphänomenen effektiv zu begegnen. Dabei wird festgestellt, dass die Genese des internationalen Rechtsrahmens zu einem Legitimitätsdefizit desselbigen führt. Auch die mangelhafte Berücksichtigung der speziellen Lebensrealitäten, die in vielen fragilen Staaten vorzufinden sind, wirkt sich negativ auf die Durchsetzbarkeit des internationalen Rechtsrahmens aus. Es wird dargelegt, dass unterschiedlich hohe menschenrechtliche Schutzstandards zu Normenkollisionen bei der internationalen Zusammenarbeit der Staaten führen, insbesondere im Rahmen der internationalen Rechtshilfe. Da gerade fragile Staaten häufig durch eine defizitäre menschenrechtliche Situation gekennzeichnet sind, stellt dies konsolidierte Staaten im Rahmen der Zusammenarbeit mit fragilen Staaten öfters vor Herausforderungen. Schließlich wird aufgezeigt, dass auch die extraterritoriale Jurisdiktion und somit die strafrechtliche Verfolgung transnationaler Straftaten durch Drittstaaten mit rechtlichen und praktischen Problemen einhergeht.
In einem letzten Kapitel der Arbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob nicht ein alternativer Strafverfolgungsmechanismus geschaffen werden sollte, um transnationale Kriminalitätsphänomene zu verfolgen, die aus fragilen Staaten heraus begangen werden und wie ein solch alternativer Strafverfolgungsmechanismus konkret ausgestaltet sein sollte.
The Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPSA) is an international framework addressing the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women and girls and promoting their meaningful participation in peacebuilding efforts. The Security Council called on Member States to develop National Action Plans (NAPs) to operationalize the four pillars of the Agenda. This study looks at the relevant steps undertaken by both Germany and the European Union. The author calls for improvements on either level and makes four recommendations.
The last years have been affected by Covid-19 and the international emergency mecha-nism to deal with health-related threats. The effects of this period manifested differ-ently worldwide, depending on matters such as international relations, national policies, power dynamics etc. Additionally, the impact of this time will likely have long-term effects which are yet to be known. This paper gives a critical overview of the Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) mechanism in the context of Covid-19. It does so by explaining the legal framework for states of emergency, specifically in the context of a PHEIC, while considering its restrictions and limitations on human rights. It further outlines issues in the manifestation of global protections and limitations on human rights during Covid-19. Lastly, considering the likelihood of future PHEICs and the known systemic obstructions, this paper offers ways to im-prove this mechanism from a holistic, non-zero-sum perspective.
Under Brazil's ex-president Bolsonaro, deforestation of the Amazon increased dramatically. An Austrian NGO filed a complaint to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) against Bolsonaro in October 2021, accusing him of crimes against humanity against the backdrop of his involvement in environmental destruction. This paper deals with the question of whether this initi-ative constitutes a promising means of juridification to mitigate conflicts revolving around mass deforestation in Brazil. It thematizes attempts to juridify environmental destruction in international criminal law and examines the Climate Fund Case at the Brazilian Supreme Court. Finally, emerging problems and arguments in favour of starting preliminary examinations at the ICC against Bolsonaro are illuminated. This paper provides arguments as to why the initiative might be a promising undertaking, even though it is unlikely that Bolsonaro will be arrested.
Das menschenrechtliche Prinzip des Non-Refoulement vor den Vertragsorganen der Vereinten Nationen
(2023)
Die Vertragsorgane der Vereinten Nationen können durch die Abstimmung ihrer Praxis Rechtssicherheit schaffen, und zwar sowohl für Betroffene als auch für die Vertragsstaaten. Durch den ständigen Dialog mit den Vertragsstaaten, die Beeinflussung der Vertragsorgane untereinander und das Aufgreifen der Praxis durch andere internationale Akteure lässt sich Gewohnheitsrecht identifizieren. -- Dabei ist das menschenrechtliche Prinzip des Non-Refoulement besonders geeignet, dieses Potenzial der Vertragsorgane zu veranschaulichen. Hierbei handelt es sich um ein Rechtsprinzip, das zwar dem Grunde nach allgemein anerkannt ist, dessen Reichweite im Detail jedoch kontinuierlich umstritten ist. Erstmals wird ein umfassender Überblick über die gesamte Praxis der Vertragsorgane zum Prinzip des Non-Refoulement gegeben. Es wird gezeigt, wie sich die Vertragsorgane sowohl auf prozessualer Ebene als auch bei der Bestimmung des materiellen Schutzbereichs von Refoulementverboten einander annähern.
National Action Plans (NAPs) have been increas-ingly adopted world-wide after the Vienna Dec-laration in 1993, where it was urged to consider the improvement and promotion of Human Rights. In this paper, we discuss their usefulness and success by analysing the challenges present-ed during NAP processes as well as the benefits this set of actions entails: The challenges for their implementation outweigh its actual benefits. Nevertheless, NAPs have great potential. Based on new research, we elaborate a set of recom-mendations for improving the design and imple-mentation of national action planning. In order to effectively bring NAP into practice, we consider it crucial to plan and analyse every state local circumstances in detail. The latter is important, since the implementation of a concrete set of actions is intended to directly transform and improve the local living conditions of the people. In a long-term perspective, we defend the benefit of NAP’s implementation for complying obliga-tions set up by HR treaties.
This chapter takes the ongoing conflict in South Sudan as a starting point for assessing the concept of transitional justice as such and its implementation in the country in particular. Following a brief description of the conflict and the peace processes, the author sheds light on the shortcomings of the established concept of transitional justice in the situation at hand. Then, the author outlines the alternate concept of transformational justice und takes a closer look at its implications on the situation in South Sudan. The author highlights existing initiatives of transformative justice and is very much in favour of their victim-centered approach.
At different times and places, civic engagement in nonviolent resistance (NVR) has repeatedly shown to be an effective tool in times of conflict to initiate societal change from below. History teaches us that there have been successes (Mahatma Gandhi in India) and failures (the Tiananmen Square protests in China).
Along with the recognition of the duality between transformative potential and stark consequences, the historical development of NVR was accompanied by the emergence of scholarly debate, fractured along disputes around purpose, character and effectivity of nonviolent actions taken by civil society stakeholders engaged in making their voices heard. One of the field’s current points of interest is the examination of the long-term effects of NVR movements resulting in societal transformation on the stability and adequacy of a subsequently altered or emerging democracy, suggesting that NVR contributes positively to the sustainable and representative design of an egalitarian governing system.
The conclusion of the Nepalese civil war in 2006 should pose as an unambiguous example for the illustration of this phenomenon, but simultaneously raises the question why there was no successful implementation of a transitional process focusing on the needs of the victims.
Transitional justice is conventionally theorized as how a society deals with past injustices after regime change and alongside democratization. Nonetheless, scholars have not reached a consensus on what is to be included or excluded. Recent ideas of transformative justice seek to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include systemic restructuring and socioeconomic considerations. In the context of Nicaragua — where two transitions occurred within an 11-year span — very little transitional justice took place, in terms of the conventional concept of top-down legalistic mechanisms; however, distinct structural changes and socioeconomic policies can be found with each regime change. By analyzing the transformative justice elements of Nicaragua’s dual transition, this chapter seeks to expand the understanding of transitional justice to include how these factors influence goals of transitions such as sustainable peace and reconciliation for past injustices. The results argue for increased attention to transformative justice theories and a more nuanced conception of justice.
While the concept of transitional justice and its range of measures have gained importance on an international level to come to terms with major crimes of the past, colonial crimes and mass violence committed by Western actors have not been addressed by transitional justice so far. In this chapter, the Herero’s and Nama’s struggle for justice for the genocide on their ancestors by Germany from 1904 – 1908 and the arising challenges are set in relation to conceptual debates in the field of transitional justice. Building on current debates in the field, suggesting more structural and transformative conceptualizations of transitional justice and an approach ‘from below’, it is argued that decolonial activism of formerly colonized communities and transitional justice debates can inform each other in a dialogic and fruitful form to formulate suggestions for a process towards post-colonial justice.
This paper aims to contribute a different approach to transitional justice, one in which political decisions are rocketed to the forefront of the research. Theory asserts that, after a transition to democracy, it is the constituency who defines the direction a country will take. Therefore, pleasing them should be at the fore of the responses taken by those in power. However, reality distances itself from theory. History provides us with many examples of the contrary, which indicates that the politicization of transitional justice is an ever-present event. The first section will outline current definitions and obstacles faced by transitional justice, focusing on the implicit ties between them and the aforementioned politicization. An original categorization of Transitional Justice as a method of analysis will also be introduced, which I denominate Political Opportunism. The case of Argentina, a country that is usually described as a model to export but that after 35 years is still dealing with the consequences brought by the contradictions of using several methods of justice, will then be reinterpreted through this perspective. At the end of the paper, the inevitable question will be posed: can this new angle be exported and implemented in every transition?
This chapter deals with the problem that theories of peace building, conflict resolution and reconciliation were predominately created in the West and, therefore, do not necessarily fit the understanding of peace, conflict, and resolution in non-Western societies and cultures. Within these societies, the acceptance of suffering may also be higher, which leads to different priorities of conflict resolution approaches. Furthermore, this chapter deals with the question of whether the current understanding of wars and the nature of conflict change the basis of established conflict theories. These theoretical approaches are then applied in Sierra Leone as a non-Western negotiation scenario.
Das Totenfürsorgerecht
(2022)
Die vorliegende Untersuchung befasst sich mit den allgegenwärtigen Fragen, welches rechtliche Schicksal der menschliche Körper nach dem Tod nimmt, ob der Leichnam vererbt wird und wer in welchem Umfang über ihn bestimmen darf. Die Autorin gelangt zu dem Ergebnis, dass das Totenfürsorgerecht als wesentlicher Bestandteil des - im Grundgesetz als Staatszielbestimmung zu verankernden - sog. postmortalen Persönlichkeitsschutzes auf die Wahrung der Pietät ziele und zuvörderst dem Willen des Verstorbenen verpflichtet sei. Bei unbekanntem Verstorbenenwillen dürfe der Totenfürsorgeberechtigte aber in einigen wenigen Bereichen auch eigene Entscheidungen über den ihm anvertrauten Leichnam treffen. Der Umgang mit dem Leichnam lasse sich bislang keinem bekannten Rechtsinstitut zuordnen und stelle Gewohnheitsrecht dar. Gegenwärtig herrsche Rechtsunsicherheit. Zur Behebung des gesetzgeberischen Defizits schlägt die Autorin ein Bundesgesetz vor und unterbreitet hierfür einen Gesetzesvorschlag.
Where contemporary developments have significantly altered the implementation methods of, and relationship between, human rights law and international humanitarian law, this timely book looks at the future challenges of protecting human rights during and after armed conflicts. Leading scholars use critical case studies to shed light on new approaches used by international courts and experts to balance these two bodies of law. Divided into four thematic parts, chapters explore the protection of specific groups and actors during conflicts, including organised armed groups, armed non-state actors, and refugees, as well as using divergent methodological approaches to analyse the extra-territorial application of human rights treaties. Shifting to post-conflict, the book further examines the tools and practices involved in building lasting peace and sustainable post-conflict order while avoiding future resurrection of armed conflict. It concludes by considering whether the traditional interpretation of international law is still apt for the twenty-first century. Underlining the necessity of a more coherent application of international humanitarian law and human rights law, this incisive book will be invaluable to students and scholars from the two areas of law. Global in scope, it will also prove useful for humanitarian workers, and practitioners and policy makers involved in human rights law.
Dieses Papier thematisiert die völkerstrafrechtliche Einordnung rein störender, also nicht zerstörender Cyberoperationen. Nach der erforderlichen Begriffsklärung werden die einzelnen Fragen der Anwendbarkeit des Völkerstrafrechts erörtert und geprüft, welche Tatbestände durch solche Aktionen verwirklicht werden können.
Aus dem Inhalt:
- Kollektiv zum Recht: Der Kollektivbeschwerdemechanismus zur Europäischen Sozialcharta
- 30 Jahre Ratifizierung der UN-Kinderrechte. Wie steht es um das Prinzip des Kindeswohlvorranges ? Zum Umsetzungsstand in Deutschland am Beispiel kindgerechter Justiz
- EGMR, Vavřička u. a. ./. Tschechische Republik (47621/ 13), Urteil vom 8. April 2021 – Pflichtimpfungen für Kinder
In its Burmych and Others v. Ukraine judgment of October 2017 the European Court of Human Rights dismissed more than 12,000 applications due to the fact that they were not only repetitive in nature, but also mutatis mutandis identical to applications covered by a previous pilot judgment rendered against Ukraine. This raises fundamental issues as to the role of the Court within the human rights protection system established by the European Convention on Human Rights, as well as those concerning the interrelationship between the Court and the Committee of Ministers.
Transitional Justice
(2022)
This publication deals with the topic of transitional justice. In six case studies, the authors link theoretical and practical implications in order to develop some innovative approaches. Their proposals might help to deal more effectively with the transition of societies, legal orders and political systems.
Young academics from various backgrounds provide fresh insights and demonstrate the relevance of the topic. The chapters analyse transitions and conflicts in Sierra Leone, Argentina, Nicaragua, Nepal, and South Sudan as well as Germany’s colonial genocide in Namibia. Thus, the book provides the reader with new insights and contributes to the ongoing debate about transitional justice.