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The past two decades have witnessed widespread scholarly interest in the role of cities in climate policy-making. This research has considerably improved our understanding of the local level in the global response to climate change. The present article synthesizes the literature on local climate policies with respect to the 1.5 degrees C target. While most studies have focused on pioneering cities and networks, we contend that the broader impacts of local climate actions and their relationship to regional, national, and international policy frameworks have not been studied in enough detail. Against this backdrop, we introduce the concept of upscaling and contend that local climate initiatives must go hand in hand with higher-level policies and be better integrated into the multi-level governance system.
In recent time, phytoliths (silicon deposition between plant cells) have been recognized as an important nutrient source for crops. The work presented here aims at highlighting the potential of phytolith-occluded K pool in ferns. Dicranopteris linearis (D.linearis) is a common fern in the humid subtropical and tropical regions. Burning of the fern D.linearis is, in slash-and-burn regions, a common practice to prepare the soil before planting. We characterised the phytolith-rich ash derived from the fern D.linearis and phytolith-associated potassium (K) (phytK), using X-ray tomographic microscopy in combination with kinetic batch experiments. D.linearis contains up to 3.9g K/kgd.wt, including K subcompartmented in phytoliths. X-ray tomographic microscopy visualized an interembedding structure between organic matter and silica, particularly in leaves. Corelease of K and Si observed in the batch experiments confirmed that the dissolution of ash phytoliths is one of major factors controlling K release. Under heat treatment, a part of the K is made available, while the remainder entrapped into phytoliths (ca. 2.0-3.3%) is unavailable until the phytoliths are dissolved. By enhanced removal of organic phases, or forming more stable silica phases, heat treatment changes dissolution properties of the phytoliths, affecting K release for crops and soils. The maximum releases of soluble K and Si were observed for the phytoliths treated at 500-800 degrees C. For quantitative approaches for the K provision of plants from the soil phytK pool in soils, factors regulating phytolith dissolution rate have to be considered.
This article explores the various futures of relations between the European Union (EU) and Ukraine. After distilling two major drivers we construct a future compass in order to conceive of four futures of relations between the EU and Ukraine. Our scenarios aim to challenge deep-rooted assumptions on the EU’s neighbourhood with Ukraine: How will the politico-economic challenges in the European countries influence the EU’s approach towards the East? Will more EU engagement in Ukraine contribute to enduring peace? Does peace always come with stability? Which prospects does the idea of Intermarium have? Are the pivotal transformation players in Ukraine indeed oligarchs or rather small- and medium-sized entrepreneurs? After presenting our scenarios, we propose indicators to know in the years to come, along which path future relations do develop. By unearthing surprising developments we hope to provoke innovative thoughts on Eastern Europe in times of post truth societies, confrontation between states and hybrid warfare.
This article examines the reorganization of formal coordination structures in the Directorate-General for Fisheries and Maritime Affairs of the European Commission. While rational approaches in organization theory emphasize functional efficiency as an explanation for organizational design and coordination structures, the findings of this study indicate that the reorganization was not driven primarily for reasons of efficiency and to increase the coordination capacity of the organization. The study demonstrates that, even in a highly technical policy area such as fisheries management in the European Union, the (re-)design of formal organizational structures does not follow primarily a technical-instrumental rationale. Instead, the formal coordination structures have also been adapted to live up to changing expectations in the institutional environment, to modern management concepts in marine governance, and to ensure the legitimacy of the organization. However, although the empirical findings of this study substantiate the theoretical assumptions of an institutional perspective, institutional explanations alone are insufficient to comprehensively understand why organizational structures are reorganized and changed.
Comparatice methods B
(2020)
Moving mountains?
(2022)
Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West – with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission ‘to subdue the world’ – has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today’s politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.
Contesting citizenship
(2022)
Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy’s crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens’ everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.
Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens' everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology
Quality management (QM) in teaching and learning has strongly “infected” the higher education sector and spread around the world. It has almost everywhere become an integral part of higher education reforms. While existing research on QM mainly focuses on the national level from a macro-perspective, its introduction at the institutional level is only rarely analyzed. The present article addresses this research gap. Coming from the perspective of organization studies, it examines the factors that were crucial for the introduction of QM at higher education institutions in Germany. As the introduction of QM can be considered to be a process of organizational change, the article refers to Kurt Lewin’s seminal concept of “unfreezing” organizations as a theoretical starting point. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is applied by combining qualitative data derived from interviews with institutional quality managers and quantitative data gathered from a nationwide survey. The results show that the introduction of QM is initiated by either internal or external processes. Furthermore, some institutions follow a rather voluntary approach of unfreezing, while others show modes of forced unfreezing. Consequently, the way how QM was introduced has important implications for its implementation.
Klimaschutz
(2021)
Fördermittelfinanzierte Gründungsunterstützungsangebote waren in den EU-Förderperioden 2007-2013 und 2014-2020 ein wichtiges Element der Hochschulgründungsförderung im Land Brandenburg. Aufgrund der positiven wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung des Landes, reduzierte sich das Fördervolumen in der gleichen Zeit jedoch stetig. Für die EU-Förderperiode 2021-2027 steht eine weitere Reduzierung der Fördermittel bereits fest. In der Folge wird es, ohne Anpassungen der etablierten Förderstrukturen, zur weiteren Reduzierung oder Erosion der Gründungsunterstützungsangebote an Brandenburger Hochschulen kommen. Die vorliegende Arbeit befasst sich daher u.a. mit der Frage, wie ein theoretisches Referenzmodell zur fördermittelfinanzierten Hochschulgründungsberatung gestaltet sein kann, um den reduzierten Fördersätzen bei gleichzeitiger Aufrechterhaltung der Angebotsvielfalt gerecht zu werden.
Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage wird als Untersuchungsobjekt das Förderprojekt BIEM Startup Navigator herangezogen. Das Gründungsberatungsprojekt BIEM Startup Navigator wurde von 2010 bis 2014 an sechs Brandenburger Hochschulen durchgeführt. Mit Hilfe der Modelle und Prämissen der Prinzipal-Agent-Theorie wird zunächst ein theoretischer Rahmen aufgespannt, auf dessen Grundlage die empirische Untersuchung erfolgt. Anhand der Prinzipal-Agent-Theorie werden die beteiligten Organisationen, Individuen und Institutionen aufgezeigt. Weiterhin werden die wesentlichen Problemfelder und Lösungsansätze der Prinzipal-Agent-Theorie für die Untersuchung des BIEM Startup Navigators diskutiert.
Im Untersuchungsverlauf werden u.a. die Konzepte zur Durchführung des Förderprojekts an sechs Hochschulstandorten, die Daten von 610 Teilnehmenden und 288 Gründungen analysiert, um so sachlogische Zusammenhänge und Wechselwirkungen identifizieren und beschreiben zu können. Es werden unterschiedliche theoretische Annahmen zu den Bereichen Projekteffektivität bzw. Projekteffizienz, Kostenverteilung und zur konzeptionellen Ausgestaltung in Form von 24 Arbeitshypothesen formuliert und auf die Untersuchung übertragen. Die Verifizierung bzw. Falsifizierung der Hypothesen erfolgt auf Grundlage der kombinierten Erkenntnisse aus Literaturrecherchen und den Ergebnissen der empirischen Untersuchung.
Im Verlauf der Arbeit gelingt es, die in der Prinzipal-Agent-Theorie auftretenden Agencykosten auch am Beispiel des BIEM Startup Navigators zu beschreiben und ex post Ineffizienzen in den durchgeführten Screening- und Signalingprozessen aufzuzeigen.
Mit Hilfe des im Verlauf der Arbeit entwickelten theoretischen Referenzmodells zur fördermittelfinanzierten Gründungsberatung an Brandenburger Hochschulen soll es gelingen, den sinkenden EU-Fördermitteln, ohne eine gleichzeitige Reduzierung der Gründungsunterstützungsangebote an den Hochschulen, gerecht zu werden. Hierfür zeigt das theoretische Referenzmodell wie die Ergebnisse der empirischen Untersuchung genutzt werden können, um die Agencykosten der fördermittelfinanzierten Gründungsberatung zu reduzieren.
We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major ‘complementarities’ disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.
Die vorliegende Studie zeigt, dass Daten in der Krise eine herausragende Bedeutung für die wissenschaftliche Politikberatung, administrative Entscheidungsvorbereitung und politische Entscheidungsfindung haben. In der Krise gab es jedoch gravierende Kommunikationsprobleme und Unsicherheiten in der wechselseitigen Erwartungshaltung von wissenschaftlichen Datengebern und politisch-administrativen Datennutzern. Die Wissensakkumulation und Entscheidungsabwägung wurde außerdem durch eine unsichere und volatile Datenlage zum Pandemiegeschehen, verbunden mit einer dynamischen Lageentwicklung, erschwert. Nach wie vor sind das Bewusstsein und wechselseitige Verständnis für die spezifischen Rollenprofile der am wissenschaftlichen Politikberatungsprozess beteiligten Akteure sowie insbesondere deren Abgrenzung als unzureichend einzuschätzen.
Die Studie hat darüber hinaus vielfältige Defizite hinsichtlich der Verfügbarkeit, Qualität, Zugänglichkeit, Teilbarkeit und Nutzbarkeit von Daten identifiziert, die Datenproduzenten und -verwender vor erhebliche Herausforderungen stellen und einen umfangreichen Reformbedarf aufzeigen, da zum einen wichtige Datenbestände für eine krisenbezogene Politikberatung fehlen. Zum anderen sind die Tiefenschärfe und Differenziertheit des verfügbaren Datenbestandes teilweise unzureichend. Dies gilt z.B. für sozialstrukturelle Daten zur Schwere der Pandemiebetroffenheit verschiedener Gruppen oder für kleinräumige Daten über Belastungs- und Kapazitätsparameter, etwa zur Personalabdeckung auf Intensivstationen, in Gesundheitsämtern und Pflegeeinrichtungen. Datendefizite sind ferner im Hinblick auf eine ganzheitliche Pandemiebeurteilung festzustellen, zum Beispiel bezüglich der Gesundheitseffekte im weiteren Sinne, die aufgrund der ergriffenen Maßnahmen entstanden sind (Verschiebung oder Wegfall von Operationen, Behandlungen und Prävention, aber auch häusliche Gewalt und psychische Belastungen). Mangels systematischer Begleitstudien und evaluativer Untersuchungen, u.a. auch zu lokalen Pilotprojekten und Experimenten, bestehen außerdem Datendefizite im Hinblick auf die Wirkungen von Eindämmungsmaßnahmen oder deren Aufhebung auf der gebietskörperschaftlichen Ebene.
Insgesamt belegt die Studie, dass es zur Optimierung der datenbasierten Politikberatung und politischen Entscheidungsfindung in und außerhalb von Krisen nicht nur darum gehen kann, ein „Mehr“ an Daten zu produzieren sowie deren Qualität, Verknüpfung und Teilung zu verbessern. Vielmehr müssen auch die Anreizstrukturen und Interessenlagen in Politik, Verwaltung und Wissenschaft sowie die Kompetenzen, Handlungsorientierungen und kognitiv-kulturellen Prägungen der verschiedenen Akteure in den Blick genommen werden. Es müssten also Anreize gesetzt und Strukturen geschaffen werden, um das Interesse, den Willen und das Können (will and skill) zur Datennutzung auf Seiten politisch-administrativer Entscheider und zur Dateneinspeisung auf Seiten von Wissenschaftlern zu stärken. Neben adressatengerechter Informationsaufbereitung geht es dabei auch um die Gestaltung eines normativen und institutionellen Rahmens, innerhalb dessen die Nutzung von Daten für Entscheidungen effektiver, qualifizierter, aber auch transparenter, nachvollziehbarer und damit demokratisch legitimer erfolgen kann.
Vor dem Hintergrund dieser empirischen Befunde werden acht Cluster von Optimierungsmaßnahmen vorgeschlagen:
(1) Etablierung von Datenstrecken und Datenteams,
(2) Schaffung regionaler Datenkompetenzzentren,
(3) Stärkung von Data Literacy und Beschleunigung des Kulturwandels in der öffentlichen Verwaltung,
(4) Datenstandardisierung, Interoperabilität und Registermodernisierung,
(5) Ausbau von Public Data Pools und Open Data Nutzung,
(6) Effektivere Verbindung von Datenschutz und Datennutzung,
(7) Entwicklung eines hochfrequenten, repräsentativen Datensatzes,
(8) Förderung der europäischen Daten-Zusammenarbeit.
Angesichts neuer globaler Herausforderungen gehört eine starke kommunale Ebene zu den Grundvoraussetzungen gesellschaftlicher Problemlösungsfähigkeit. Die Stärkung kommunaler Selbstverwaltung ist daher ein wichtiges institutionen- und verwaltungspolitisches Zukunftsthema, zu welchem die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag leisten möchte.
Permanent income (PI) is an enduring concept in the social sciences and is highly relevant to the study of inequality. Nevertheless, there has been insufficient progress in measuring PI. We calculate a novel measure of PI with the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) and U.S. Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). Advancing beyond prior approaches, we define PI as the logged average of 20+ years of post-tax and post-transfer ("post-fisc") real equivalized household income. We then assess how well various household- and individual-based measures of economic resources proxy PI. In both datasets, post-fisc household income is the best proxy. One random year of post-fisc household income explains about half of the variation in PI, and 2-5 years explain the vast majority of the variation. One year of post-fisc HH income even predicts PI better than 20+ years of individual labor market earnings or long-term net worth. By contrast, earnings, wealth, occupation, and class are weaker and less cross-nationally reliable proxies for PI. We also present strategies for proxying PI when HH post-fisc income data are unavailable, and show how post-fisc HH income proxies PI over the life cycle. In sum, we develop a novel approach to PI, systematically assess proxies for PI, and inform the measurement of economic resources more generally.
The Gezi uprising can be considered a crucial turning in Turkish politics. As a response to countrywide democratic protests, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government revived the security state, escalated authoritarian tendencies, and started to organize a nationalist, Islamist, and conservative backlash. This essay argues that the Gezi Park protests revealed both the fragility of the AKP's hegemony and the limits of the dominant political group habitus, which were promoted by the party to consolidate political polarization in favor of the party's hegemony. Moreover, it is argued that the Gezi uprising transformed the culture of political protests in the country and paved the way for the emergence of affirmative resistance, radical imagination, and a new politics of desire and dignity against authoritarian and neoliberal policies.
East and South
(2022)
"What is 'Europe' in academic discourse? While Europe tends to be used as shorthand, often interchangeable with the 'West', neither the 'West' nor 'Europe' are homogeneous spaces. Though postcolonial studies have long been debunking Eurocentrism in its multiple guises, there is still work to do in fully comprehending how its imaginations and discursive legacies conceive the figure of Europe, as not all who live on European soil are understood as equally 'European'. This volume explores this immediate need to rethink the axis of postcolonial cultural productions, to disarticulate Eurocentrism, to recognise Europe as a more diverse, plural and fluid space, to draw forward cultural exchanges and dialogues within the Global South. Through analyses of literary texts from East-Central Europe and beyond, this volume sheds light on alternative literary cartographies - the multiplicity of Europes and being European which exist both as they are viewed from the different geographies of the global South, and within the continent itself. Covering a wide spatial and temporal terrain in postcolonial and European cultural productions, this volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of literature and literary criticism, cultural studies, post-colonial studies, Global South studies and European studies"
Zwei mal zwanzig Jahre
(2021)
Wie weiter?
(2021)
Afghanistan und Zentralasien
(2021)
This paper reconsiders the explanation of economic policy from an evolutionary economics perspective. It contrasts the neoclassical equilibrium notions of market and government failure with the dominant evolutionary neo-Schumpeterian and Austrian-Hayekian perceptions. Based on this comparison, the paper criticizes the fact that neoclassical reasoning still prevails in non-equilibrium evolutionary economics when economic policy issues are examined. This is more than surprising, since proponents of evolutionary economics usually view their approach as incompatible with its neoclassical counterpart. In addition, it is shown that this "fallacy of failure thinking" even finds its continuation in the alternative concept of "system failure" with which some evolutionary economists try to explain and legitimate policy interventions in local, regional or national innovation systems. The paper argues that in order to prevent the otherwise fruitful and more realistic evolutionary approach from undermining its own criticism of neoclassical economics and to create a consistent as well as objective evolutionary policy framework, it is necessary to eliminate the equilibrium spirit. Finally, the paper delivers an alternative evolutionary explanation of economic policy which is able to overcome the theory-immanent contradiction of the hitherto evolutionary view on this subject.
Die aktuelle Politik der Europäischen Union hat im Umgang mit flüchtenden Menschen das Mittelmeer in ein Massengrab verwandelt. Dass auch im Jahr 2021 täglich Menschen an den EU-Außengrenzen sterben hängt dabei mit dem Ausbau von Sicherheitsmechanismen zum Zweck eines verstärkten Grenzschutzes zusammen. Durch Sicherheitsmechanismen wie bspw. den Ausbau von Frontex und die elektronische Erfassung von Ein- und Ausreisedaten schottet sich die EU dabei immer weiter ab während gleichzeitig die Thematik der Flucht und Migration eine zunehmende ‚Versicherheitlichung‘ erfährt.
Die vorliegende Arbeit geht davon aus, dass die Grundzüge der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration bereits im liberalen Staatsverständnis der EU angelegt sind. Mithilfe einer foucaultschen Diskursanalyse hinterfragt die Arbeit daher die historisch entstandenen und im Liberalismus inbegriffenen Vorannahmen über nicht-europäische Menschen und deren Fortentwicklung in die heutigen Politiken der EU. Dabei geht die Arbeit einerseits der Frage nach, wie sich die zunehmende Versicherheitlichung der Migration und der damit verbundene Umgang mit Nicht-Europäer*innen an den EU-Außengrenzen erklären lässt. Vertieft wird gefragt, inwieweit sich die konstruierten Wissensmuster über das europäische ‚wir‘ und die nicht-europäischen ‚Anderen‘ aus dem Liberalismus in der heutigen EU-Politik wiederfinden.
Auf Basis der Werke Michel Foucaults führt die Arbeit in die Entwicklung liberaler Staatlichkeit seit dem 17. Jahrhundert ein. Ergänzt werden diese Darstellungen um eine postkoloniale Perspektive, die eine Darstellung des liberalen Denkens über das europäische ‚Außen‘ vermittelt. Gemeinsam legen diese beiden Perspektiven die Strukturen liberalen Denkens offen, die im späteren Verlauf der Analyse in aktuellen EU-Dokumenten wiedererkannt werden. Als Analysedokumente dienen dabei sechs von der EU veröffentlichte Agenden, Verordnungen und Strategien, die die thematische Schnittstelle zwischen Sicherheit und Migration umfassen.
Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich ein ‚Othering‘ - die historisch entstandene Gruppenbildung des homogen begriffenen europäischen ‚Wirs‘ gegenüber den nicht-europäischen ‚Anderen‘ - in der heutigen Politik der EU an deren Außengrenzen reproduziert. Das im 17. Jahrhundert entstandene Sicherheitsdenken des liberalen Staates wird über die Reproduktion bestimmter Wissensmuster in Form von ‚Stories‘ auf die heutigen EU-Außengrenzen übertragen. Nach ‚innen‘ handelt die EU dabei nach einem Grundsatz der ‚gemeinsamen Stärke‘ der europäischen Staaten bzw. der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, während nach ‚außen‘ eine zweckrationale Kooperation mit Drittstaaten verfolgt wird. Statt um die Wahrung von Menschenleben geht es damals wie heute v.a. um den Vorteil Europas bzw. der EU. Von diesen Ergebnissen ausgehend wird die Zunahme der Versicherheitlichung von Flucht und Migration an den EU-Außengrenzen durch die Reproduktion des geschichtlich entstandenen Sicherheitsdenkens erklärt.
Afghanistan-Krieg
(2021)
Chinas neuer langer Marsch
(2021)
Der rechtliche, moralisch-ethische und auch politische Gehalt des Theaterstücks „Gott“ wirft aus politikdidaktischer Perspektive u. a. die Frage auf, inwiefern sich das Textbuch zu dem Theaterstück Gott von Ferdinand von Schirach als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht eignet. Diese Frage stellt sich v. a. vor dem Hintergrund, dass der Politikdidaktiker Ingo Juchler im Rahmen des von ihm begründeten narrativen Ansatzes der politischen Bildung den Einsatz von Narrationen in der fächerübergreifenden politischen Bildung explizit vorschlägt. Darüber hinaus lässt sich die Narration auch thematisch dem Politikunterricht zuordnen. Denn, dass Recht „Teil der Politischen Bildung ist und im Unterricht eine Rolle spielen sollte“ (Goll 2017: 592), gilt in der fachdidaktischen Literatur zum rechtlichen Lernen gemeinhin als unstrittig. Die Arbeit ist gedanklich in zwei Teile gegliedert: Im ersten Teil wird zunächst eine wissenschaftlich bzw. fachdidaktisch fundierte Grundlage geschaffen. In einem ersten Schritt werden deshalb der narrative Ansatz der politischen Bildung und in diesem Zusammenhang insbesondere die Vorzüge des Einsatzes von Narrationen im Politikunterricht vorgestellt. Anschließend werden Recht und Rechtserziehung in den Kontext von Schule und Politikunterricht eingeordnet. Aus beiden Abschnitten werden folglich Kriterien abgeleitet, anhand derer im Allgemeinen die Eignung einer Narration für den Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 2) und im Besonderen die Eignung einer Narration als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht (Abschnitt 3) bestimmt werden kann. Diese Kriterien werden in einem Kriterienkatalog (Abschnitt 4) gebündelt, mit dessen Hilfe im zweiten Teil das Textbuch zu dem Theaterstück „Gott“ hinsichtlich seiner Eignung als Unterrichtsmedium zur Rechtserziehung im Politikunterricht überprüft wird. Abschließend werden die Untersuchungsergebnisse pointiert dargelegt und das Vorgehen reflektiert.
Die Masterarbeit beschäftigt sich auf der theoretischen Grundlage der Entwicklung der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung sowie der Entstehung der Human-Animal Studies (HAS) mit der Frage, welche Möglichkeiten es gibt, um das Bewusstsein der Menschen für einen moralischen und sensiblen Umgang mit Tieren zu sensibilisieren. Konkret geht die vorliegende Arbeit der Frage nach, wie die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung und die Rechte der Tiere Bestandteil des Politikunterrichts werden können. Um das gewaltige Repertoire an Möglichkeiten, das sich mit dieser Überlegung öffnet, einzugrenzen, wurde die Mensch-Tier-Beziehung schwerpunktmäßig anhand der (konventionellen) Nutztierhaltung untersucht.
Das Ergebnis der Arbeit zeigt, dass die Thematik der Mensch-Tier-Beziehung im Allgemeinen sowie die entwickelte Unterrichtskonzeption im Konkreten für den Unterricht der Politischen Bildung geeignet sind. Darüber hinaus konnte die Erkenntnis gewonnen werden, dass die Thematik vielfältige Anknüpfungspunkte sowohl für den Politikunterricht als auch für weitere Unterrichtsfächer bietet.
In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich die Politikdidaktik zunehmend mit dem Einsatz von Narrationen im Politikunterricht beschäftigt, denn neben Sachtexten bietet auch die Belletristik die Möglichkeit, sich mit politischen Themen auseinanderzusetzen. Insbesondere die Literatur von Ferdinand von Schirach hat in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Anklang in der Gesellschaft gefunden. Von Schirachs Texte greifen gesellschaftskritische Themen auf, beleuchten diese aus verschiedenen Perspektiven und fordern zur Meinungsbildung heraus. Aus diesem Grund weisen von Schirachs Narrationen ein hohes Potential für die Politische Bildung auf. Politische Bildung schließt auch die Rechterziehung ein. Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach setzt sich sowohl mit rechtlichen, als auch mit politischen Themen im Sinne der Rechtserziehung auseinander. In der vorliegenden Masterarbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit der Roman Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach als Narration eine Chance für politisch-rechtliches Lernen im Politikunterricht darstellt. Um die Forschungsfrage zu beantworten, werden die Lernchancen und -grenzen des Romans hinsichtlich seiner Thematik und seines Genres, sowie durch den Roman geförderten Kompetenzen herausgearbeitet und die durch ihn möglichen fächerübergreifenden Bezüge verdeutlicht. Durch die Auseinandersetzung mit von Schirachs Werk beschäftigen sich die Schülerinnen und Schüler mit politisch-rechtlichen Themen, wie dem Spannungsverhältnis von Recht und Gerechtigkeit, dem Ablauf von Strafgerichtsverfahren, dem theoretischen Anspruch des Rechtsstaates und dessen realen Schwächen. Zudem fördert die Auseinandersetzung mit dem Roman Der Fall Collini die vier fachbezogenen Kompetenzen der Politischen Bildung, sowie Multiperspektivität und exemplarisches Lernen. Des Weiteren verknüpft der Roman historische, politisch-rechtliche und moralisch-ethische Aspekte miteinander, wodurch fächerübergreifende Bezüge mit den Fächern Geschichte, Deutsch und L-E-R hergestellt werden können. Darüber hinaus spricht der Justizroman als Narration seine Leserinnen und Leser auch emotional an und fördert somit eine ganzheitliche und nachhaltige Wissensvermittlung im Sinne der Rechtserziehung. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass Der Fall Collini von Ferdinand von Schirach sich für die unterrichtliche Beschäftigung innerhalb der Politischen Bildung besonders eignet.
Joschkas Kinder
(2021)
When I took up the task of writing a review of the Routledge handbook of international local government, it occurred to me, as a member of the generation of the 1950s, that I had not even considered whether such compendiums were even necessary in times of easy internet searching. This review will look at whether that is indeed the case.
Social-science handbooks naturally are very broad. This also applies to the particular handbook under review. It comprises six content-thematic parts with 33 chapters by 73 authors from 21 countries, with the UK and USA dominant. The focal points, discussed in more detail below, are local elections and local governance, local governments in different jurisdictions, the challenges of local government services, citizen engagement in local affairs, and local authorities in multi-level finance systems that shape how municipal governments ‘get and spend’ public money. These are exactly the topics actually discussed in the international community of political scientists.
As a preliminary, the editors work out the theoretical-methodological foundations of the topic. They define ‘the local’ as ‘geographically defined sub-national state administrative or political divisions’ (p. 3). As next steps, they analyse the difference between government and governance, and investigate whether local government is globally important and relevant. Fortunately, they conclude that this is indeed the case.
Part I of the handbook illustrates ‘substantive variations’ in the local electoral systems and ‘notable divergences in the values and assumptions of local governance among democratic countries’ (p. 23). That topic is indeed central to local authorities’ legitimacy in democratic political systems. The focus of this part of the handbook is on current research and debates around local electoral systems, the challenges of local political leadership and the councillor’s role in modern local policy. Current trends at the local level are analysed from the actors’ perspectives or from an economic point of view by comparing institutionalised differences in city managers, mayors and council members across different jurisdictions. Sections that investigate traditional leadership and local government in Pacific Island countries are of particular interest to most Western readers, because in Europe and North America we know too little about such issues in that part of the world.
Part II of the handbook presents current development processes and challenges in various local government systems. The chapters are territorially oriented around nation states or sub-national regions. This part of the handbook deal with local government in the Pacific Islands, Latin America, and New Zealand and in the Caribbean. However, the rationale behind country selection is not always clear; important countries like China, India and Nigeria, just to name a few, are absent. Unfortunately, there is no summary article highlighting similarities and differences, as well as the challenges in local government, relating to the countries studied in the book.
The development of local services is the focus of Part III of the handbook, however, the definition of local services remains highly controversial and their scope varies widely between the countries. From the 1980s onwards, there was a long-term trend towards the marketisation and economisation of local politics, but since the turn of the millennium, there has been a counter-trend of the return of municipalities and third sector in the fields of local public services (Wollmann 2018). The book analyses the US and Georgia as case studies for development trends, finding that local government entrepreneurship remains an important factor in promoting economic development and strengthening capacities.
I was pleased to see that Part IV, the next and most extensive part of the handbook, deals with citizen engagement, because the future of local self-government across the world depends not only on top down activities by local governing elites, but above all on the commitment of the inhabitants of cities and municipalities. Practices and challenges of citizen participation in local government are analysed in inspiring case studies of mid-sized cities in Russia and the United States. The contribution on urban governance of austerity in Europe is also of particular interest. The 2008 global financial crash and the subsequent severe budgetary pressure on municipalities in many countries was a key event in the history and development of local self-government, confronting municipalities with ‘the harsh realities of political economy’ (p. 293). Several articles analyse the causes of the declining confidence of the citizens in local authorities in some countries. In contrast, the open budget tool in Brazil is as a positive example of collaborative stakeholder engagement.
Part V deals with multi-level governance. With the exception of Australia, it is all about Europe, especially the role of municipalities in the EU’s multilevel system. The authors conclude that ‘local authorities are essential for executing EU legislation, and this turn allows them to shape EU policies’ (p. 401). This part of the handbook includes the issue of local territorial reforms, which are central to local autonomy, combined with analyses of redesigning regional government and local-level Europeanisation. Subsequently, by comparing the local government systems of Southern Europe (France, Italy, Portugal and Spain), the authors underline convincingly the role of traditions, identity, legal frameworks and institutions in local government.
Part VI of the book deals with the financial dimension of local self-government under the heading ‘Getting and spending’. This is indeed the ‘key source of dispute between local and central government’ (p. 467) and the crucial factor shaping true local autonomy. Meritoriously, this part also contains a chapter on the fight against corruption and unethical behaviour by public servants. Based on research linking corruption to transparency and accountability, two case studies describe how Tbilisi (Georgia) and Lviv (Ukraine) try to reduce corruption in government budgeting and procurement. Enhancing Value-For-Money audit in local government highlights another important side of local finance. An interesting comparison reveals significant differences in local government revenues in European Union member states between 2000 and 2014.
Of course, even in a 530-page book, some important aspects remain underexposed. Above all, I would have liked more attention on some of the enormous future challenges facing democratic systems and with them local governments all over the world, such as digitisation (e.g. in smart cities), the integration of migrants or climate change. The international networking of municipalities should also be given greater prominence.
To sum it up, The Routledge Handbook on International Local Government is indeed ‘ambitiously titled’ as the editors underline. Yet, despite my critical objections about its focus on current issues rather than future challenges, they largely fulfil this promise and their general approach has worked well. Across continents and political-administrative cultures, illustrated with many new research findings, they have created an outstanding publication focusing on the challenges and policy of local self-governmental authorities and other local stakeholders. There is a good chance that this handbook will belong in future to the social science standard works on local issues, and be included in academic political science teaching. May the publisher’s wish come true; that this book stimulates its readers to develop further research ideas.
Finally, I come back to my initial question. ‘Old fashioned’ printed handbooks like these continue to make sense, even in modern digital times.
An ever-increasing number of policy problems have come to be interpreted as representing a particular type of intractable, ill-structured or wicked policy problem. Much of this debate is concerned with the challenges wicked problems pose for program management rather than policy analysis. This article, in contrast, argues that the key challenge in addressing this type of policy problems is in fact analytical. Wicked policy problems are difficult to identify and interpret. The knowledge base for analysing wicked policy problem is typically fragmented and contested. Available evidence is incomplete, inconclusive and incommensurable. In this situation, the evidentiary and the interpretative elements of policy analysis become increasingly indistinguishable and inseparably intertwined. The article reveals the problems this poses for policy analysis and explores the extent to which the consolidation, consensualization and contestation of evidence in policy analysis offer alternative procedural paths to resolve these problems.
While W.E.B. Du Bois’s first novel, The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911), is set squarely in the USA, his second work of fiction, Dark Princess: A Romance (1928), abandons this national framework, depicting the treatment of African Americans in the USA as embedded into an international system of economic exploitation based on racial categories. Ultimately, the political visions offered in the novels differ starkly, but both employ a Western literary canon – so-called ‘classics’ from Greek, German, English, French, and US American literature. With this, Du Bois attempts to create a new space for African Americans in the world (literature) of the 20th century. Weary of the traditions of this ‘world literature’, the novels complicate and begin to decenter the canon that they draw on. This reading traces what I interpret as subtle signs of frustration over the limits set by the literature that underlies Dark Princess, while its predecessor had been more optimistic in its appropriation of Eurocentric fiction for its propagandist aims.
The chapter presents an overview about the evolution of the teaching dimension in the academic debate within the EGPA community. Major topics of EGPA’s permanent study group on “PA and teaching” over the last decade are displayed. From a more general perspective, the authors discuss the various types and target groups of academic programs in Public Administration and their change over time. They also shed some light on the change of contents and pedagogical approaches in the last decades. Furthermore, different patterns and degrees of institutionalization of Public Administration as academic discipline across Europe are illustrated. In a short résumé the authors reflect about future educational developments in our field and about the role of EGPA
Signals for 2 degrees C
(2019)
The targets of the Paris Agreement make it necessary to redirect finance flows towards sustainable, low-carbon infrastructures and technologies. Currently, the potential of institutional investors to help finance this transition is widely discussed. Thus, this paper takes a closer look at influence factors for green investment decisions of large European insurance companies. With a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, the importance of policy, market and civil society signals is evaluated. In summary, respondents favor measures that promote green investment, such as feed-in tariffs or adjustments of capital charges for green assets, over ones that make carbon-intensive investments less attractive, such as the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies or a carbon price. While investors currently see a low impact of the carbon price, they rank a substantial reform as an important signal for the future. Respondents also emphasize that policy signals have to be coherent and credible to coordinate expectations.
This study explores the theoretical and political potentials of Édouard Glissant’s philosophy of relation and its approach to the issues of borders, migration, and the setup of political communities as proposed by his pensée nouvelle de la frontière (new border thought), against the background of the German migration crisis of 2015. The main argument of this article is that Glissant’s work offers an alternative epistemological and normative framework through which the contemporary political issues arising around the phenomenon of repressive border regimes can be studied. To demonstrate this point, this article works with Glissant’s border thought as an analytical lens and proposes a pathway for studying the contemporary German border regime. Particular emphasis is placed on the identification of potential areas where a Glissantian politics of relation could intervene with the goal of transforming borders from impermeable walls into points of passage. By exploring the political implications of his border thought, as well as the larger philosophical context from which it emerges, while using a transdisciplinary approach that borrows from literary and political studies, this work contributes to ongoing debates in postcolonial studies on borders and borderlessness, as well as Glissant’s political legacy in the twenty-first century.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and how evolving ideas about management control (MC) emerge in research about public sector performance management (PSPM).
Design/methodology/approach
This is a literature review on PSPM research through using a set of key terms derived from a review of recent developments in MC.
Findings
MC research, originating in the management accounting discipline, is largely disconnected from PSPM research as part of public administration and public management disciplines. Overlaps between MC and PSPM research are visible in a cybernetic control approach, control variety and contingency-based reasoning. Both academic communities share an understanding of certain issues, although under diverging labels, especially enabling controls or, in a more general sense, usable performance controls, horizontal controls and control packaging. Specific MC concepts are valuable for future PSPM research, i.e. trust as a complement of performance-based controls in complex settings, and strategy as a variable in contingency-based studies.
Research limitations/implications
Breaking the boundaries between two currently remote research disciplines, on the one hand, might dismantle “would-be” innovations in one of these disciplines, and, on the other hand, may provide a fertile soil for mutual transfer of knowledge. A limitation of the authors’ review of PSPM research is that it may insufficiently cover research published in the public sector accounting journals, which could be an outlet for MC-inspired PSPM research.
Originality/value
The paper unravels the “apparent” and “real” differences between MC and PSPM research, and, in doing so, takes the detected “real” differences as a starting point for discussing in what ways PSPM research can benefit from MC achievements.