320 Politikwissenschaft
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Monograph/Edited Volume (49)
- Article (45)
- Doctoral Thesis (31)
- Master's Thesis (18)
- Part of a Book (17)
- Postprint (16)
- Review (7)
- Bachelor Thesis (1)
- Other (1)
- Journal/Publication series (1)
Keywords
- international organizations (5)
- parliamentary government (5)
- European Union (4)
- Europäische Integration (4)
- Europäische Union (4)
- Governance (4)
- Political Science (4)
- Politikwissenschaft (4)
- Verwaltung (4)
- presidential government (4)
- Autoritarismus (3)
- Demokratisierung (3)
- Föderalismus (3)
- Zivilgesellschaft (3)
- authoritarianism (3)
- democratization (3)
- governance (3)
- semi-parliamentary government (3)
- visions of democracy (3)
- Arbeitsmarktpolitik (2)
- Außenpolitik (2)
- Deutschland (2)
- Dezentralisierung (2)
- Diplomatie (2)
- Eastern Europe (2)
- Estonia (2)
- European Neighbourhood Policy (2)
- European integration (2)
- Executive-legislative relations (2)
- Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (2)
- Germany (2)
- Gesetzgebung (2)
- Gleichstellung (2)
- Mehrebenensystem (2)
- Osteuropa (2)
- Parlamentarismus (2)
- Partizipation (2)
- Polen (2)
- Politik (2)
- Politisches System (2)
- Regulierung (2)
- Staat (2)
- State (2)
- Telekommunikation (2)
- Transformation (2)
- Verwaltungsreform (2)
- accountability (2)
- administration (2)
- bicameralism (2)
- civil society (2)
- decentralization (2)
- decision-making (2)
- democracy (2)
- electoral systems (2)
- institutional complexity (2)
- institutional design (2)
- international bureaucracies (2)
- local government (2)
- nuclear weapons (2)
- parliamentarism (2)
- participation (2)
- policy (2)
- political equality (2)
- presidentialism (2)
- public administration (2)
- public management (2)
- 2 degrees C target (1)
- Abrüstung (1)
- Accountability (1)
- Administration (1)
- Affiliationsnetzwerke (1)
- Africa (1)
- African Union (1)
- Afrika (1)
- Agrarsektor/Estland (1)
- Aid conditionalities (1)
- Akteursinteraktion (1)
- Anti-Imperialismus (1)
- Antisemitismus (1)
- Apartheid (1)
- Atomwaffen (1)
- Atomwaffensperrvertrag (1)
- Ausländerpolitik (1)
- Ausschüsse (1)
- BRD (1)
- Belastung (1)
- Belgien (1)
- Belgium (1)
- Bergbau (1)
- Berliner Mauer (1)
- Beschaffungswesen (1)
- Brandenburg (1)
- Bundesländer (1)
- Bürgerdienste (1)
- Bürgerschaft (1)
- Bürgerschaftliches Engagement (1)
- CEE (1)
- Cambodia (1)
- Campaign finance (1)
- Carl Schmitt (1)
- Case studies (1)
- Caudillismo (1)
- Character (1)
- Colombia (1)
- Content Analysis (1)
- Corruption (1)
- Corruption risks (1)
- DDR (1)
- Decentralization in government (1)
- Decoloniale Theorie (1)
- Democracy Promotion (1)
- Democratisation (1)
- Demokratieförderung (1)
- Demokratietheorie (1)
- Design Thinking (1)
- Deutsche Entwicklungspolitik (1)
- Development aid (1)
- Development aid criticism (1)
- Dezentralisation (1)
- Disarmament (1)
- ECOWAS (1)
- EU (1)
- EU Enlargement (1)
- EU-Beitrittsprozeß (1)
- EU-Erweiterung (1)
- EU-Membership (1)
- EU-Vollmitgliedschaft (1)
- Edikt (1)
- Effektivität (1)
- Effizienzanalyse (1)
- Ehrenamt (1)
- Entwicklung und Sicherheit (1)
- Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (1)
- Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Indien (1)
- Equal opportunities (1)
- Erweiterung (1)
- Estland (1)
- Eurasian Economic Union (1)
- Europa (1)
- Europa / Sicherheitspolitik (1)
- Europe (1)
- European Foreign Policy (1)
- European Integration (1)
- European-African relations (1)
- Europeanization (1)
- Europäisch-Afrikanische Beziehungen (1)
- Europäische Außenpolitik (1)
- Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik (1)
- Europäische Union / Erweiterung (1)
- Europäisierung (1)
- Evaluierung (1)
- Existentialismus (1)
- Expertenautorität (1)
- Federalism (1)
- Feministische Philosophie (1)
- Ferdinand von Schirach (1)
- Festschrift (1)
- Finalität (1)
- Finanzrisiken (1)
- Folter (1)
- Fraktion (1)
- Frame-Analyse (1)
- Framing (1)
- Frankreich (1)
- Freiheit (1)
- Freiwilligenmanagement (1)
- Friedenssicherung (1)
- GIZ (1)
- Geberharmonisierung (1)
- Gemeindem (1)
- Gender (1)
- George W. Bush (1)
- German Greens (1)
- German development policy (1)
- Ghana (1)
- Gleichgewicht der Kräfte (1)
- Gleichstellungspolitik (1)
- Global Environmental Governance (1)
- Global Zero (1)
- Grenzen (1)
- Grüne (1)
- Haiti (1)
- Hamburg (1)
- Hessen (1)
- Higher education (1)
- Holocaust (1)
- IB-Konstruktivismus (1)
- Ideologie (1)
- Immigration Integration Policy (1)
- Income (1)
- Informationsflüsse (1)
- Inhaltsanalyse (1)
- Innovation (1)
- Institutionelle Komplexität (1)
- Institutionen (1)
- International Migration (1)
- International Politics (1)
- Internationale Migration (1)
- Internationale Politik (1)
- Iran (1)
- Ironie (1)
- Islamism (1)
- Islamismus (1)
- Israel (1)
- Jordan (1)
- Jordanien (1)
- Jugendkultur (1)
- Kambodscha (1)
- Kenia (1)
- Kenya (1)
- Klassik (1)
- Koalition (1)
- Kolumbien (1)
- Kommunale Verwaltung (1)
- Konkurrenz (1)
- Kontext (1)
- Koordination (1)
- Korruption (1)
- Korruptionsrisiken (1)
- Kosovo (1)
- Landtag (1)
- Landtage (1)
- Landwirtschaftsverwaltung (1)
- Lateinamerika (1)
- Latin America (1)
- Leftism (1)
- Legislative process (1)
- Legislativer Konflikt (1)
- Lieferkettengesetz (1)
- Lifetime income (1)
- Linksextremismus (1)
- Longitudinal and panel data (1)
- MOE (1)
- Management control (1)
- Markt (1)
- Marokko (1)
- Max Weber (1)
- Mayoralty (1)
- Measurement (1)
- Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (1)
- Medien (1)
- Menschenrechte (1)
- Methoden (1)
- Methods (1)
- Minderheiten (1)
- Minijobs (1)
- Minister (1)
- Ministerialverwaltung/Estland (1)
- Mixed methods (1)
- Modellierung (1)
- Modelling (1)
- Morocco (1)
- Multilevel system (1)
- NATO / Schnelle Eingreiftruppe (1)
- Nachhaltige Entwicklung (1)
- Narrationen (1)
- National Socialism (1)
- Nationalsozialismus (1)
- Neo-institutionalismus (1)
- Neoliberalism (1)
- Netzwerkanalyse (1)
- New Public Management (1)
- Nicht-Beherrschung (1)
- Nicht-ideale Theorie (1)
- Nichtverbreitung von Kernwaffen (1)
- Nigeria (1)
- Nordrhein-Westfalen (1)
- Nuclear Weapons (1)
- Nuclear non-proliferation (1)
- Nuklearwaffen (1)
- Opposition (1)
- Organizational change (1)
- Organizational innovation (1)
- Paradigm (1)
- Paradigma (1)
- Paris agreement (1)
- Parteiensystem (1)
- Performance management (1)
- Permanent income (1)
- Philosophie (1)
- Philosophy (1)
- Political Governance (1)
- Political System (1)
- Political economy Socio-economic development (1)
- Politikdiffusion (1)
- Politikempfehlungen (1)
- Politikfeldanalyse (1)
- Politiktransfer (1)
- Politikverdrossenheit (1)
- Politische Herrschaft (1)
- Polizeireform (1)
- Potsdam (1)
- Potsdamer Toleranzedikt (1)
- Pragmatismus (1)
- President Trump (1)
- Privatwirtschaft (1)
- Privileged Partnership (1)
- Privilegierte Partnerschaft (1)
- Procurement (1)
- Professionalisierung (1)
- Professionalisierung der Stadträte (1)
- Protest Parties (1)
- Protestparteien (1)
- Prozessanalyse (1)
- Präferenzen (1)
- Public sector (1)
- Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (1)
- Quality management (1)
- Qualität des Projektmanagements (1)
- Querfrontbildung (1)
- REDD (1)
- Raimund Krämer (1)
- Rechenschaftspflicht (1)
- Rechtsextremismus (1)
- Rechtsradikalismus (1)
- Reform des Öffentlichen Dienstes (1)
- Regierung (1)
- Regierungsfähigkeit (1)
- Regierungsstabilität (1)
- Regional states (1)
- Religionsfreiheit (1)
- Repräsentation (1)
- Republikanismus (1)
- Reputation der Geber (1)
- Rezension (1)
- Risikoauferlegung (1)
- Rockmusik (1)
- Rohstoffe (1)
- Rohstoffpolitik (1)
- Russia (1)
- STATT Partei (1)
- STATT Party (1)
- Sachsen-Anhalt (1)
- Schill (1)
- Scientific Writing (1)
- Senegal (1)
- Serene Khader (1)
- Sicherheitspolitik (1)
- Simmel (1)
- Slovakia (1)
- Slowakei (1)
- Social class (1)
- South Africa (1)
- Sozialpolitik (1)
- Stadtbürgerschaft (1)
- Stadtrat (1)
- Stadtverordnetenversammlung (1)
- Sustainable Development (1)
- System Dynamics (1)
- Systemisches Risiko (1)
- Szenario (1)
- Südafrika (1)
- TRC (1)
- Terrorismus (1)
- Terroristenfinanzierung (1)
- Toleranz (1)
- Transatlantische Beziehungen (1)
- Truth- and Reconciliation Commission (1)
- Turkey (1)
- Twinning (1)
- Türkei (1)
- UN-REDD (1)
- US foreign policy (1)
- US-Außenpolitik (1)
- Ukraine (1)
- Umweltperformanz (1)
- Umweltpolitik (1)
- Unilateralismus (1)
- United Nations (1)
- Universalismus (1)
- Velayate Faqih (1)
- Vereinte Nationen (1)
- Vergangenheitsbewältigung (1)
- Verschwindenlassen (1)
- Vertrauen (1)
- Verwaltungsmodernisierung (1)
- Verwaltungsreformen (1)
- Vetopunkte (1)
- Vetospieler (1)
- Vietnamese (1)
- Vietnamesen (1)
- Wahl (1)
- Wahlkampffinanzierung (1)
- Wahrheits- und Versöhnungs Kommission (1)
- Wasserentwicklungszusammenarbeit (1)
- Weber (1)
- Wirksamkeit der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (1)
- Wissenschaftliches Schreiben (1)
- Wissensmanagement (1)
- Wohlfahrtsstaatsforschung (1)
- Zusammenarbeit in Sicherheitsfragen (1)
- acteurs non-étatiques (1)
- actor interplay (1)
- administración pública (1)
- administration publique (1)
- administrative reforms (1)
- affiliation networks (1)
- agent-based modeling (1)
- agentes no estatales (1)
- agricultural policy (1)
- aid effectiveness (1)
- al-Qaeda (1)
- analysis of efficiency (1)
- anthropocene (1)
- arms control (1)
- authoritarian regimes (1)
- authoritarian resilience (1)
- autoritäre Regime (1)
- balance of power (1)
- borders (1)
- bureaucraties internationales (1)
- burocracias internacionales (1)
- capabilities framework (1)
- caudillismo (1)
- childcare (1)
- citizen participation (1)
- citizen services (1)
- citizenship (1)
- civic culture (1)
- civil service reform (1)
- civil service survey (1)
- civil war (1)
- civilsociety (1)
- climate change (1)
- climate change mitigation (1)
- coalition (1)
- collective identity (1)
- collective memory (1)
- committee governance (1)
- comparative environmental politics (1)
- concept of the political (1)
- conduct of life (1)
- conventional donors (1)
- cooperation (1)
- coordination (1)
- democratic theory (1)
- demografischer Wandel (1)
- demographic change (1)
- development aid India (1)
- development and security (1)
- development cooperation (1)
- digital overload (1)
- digital transformation (1)
- discussion (1)
- domestic politics (1)
- domestic work (1)
- donor harmonization (1)
- donor reputation (1)
- dritte förderale Ebene (1)
- earth system governance (1)
- ecological modernization (1)
- economy (1)
- edict (1)
- employment policies (1)
- employment services (1)
- enlargement (1)
- environmental degradation (1)
- environmental policy effects (1)
- environmental policy performance (1)
- equal opportunities (1)
- evaluation (1)
- executive personalism (1)
- executives (1)
- expert authority (1)
- extremism (1)
- family policies (1)
- federalism (1)
- flexibility (1)
- fluctuation (1)
- food security governance (1)
- formale Modelle (1)
- fragile and conflict-affected states (1)
- fragile und konfliktbeladene Staaten (1)
- frame-analysis (1)
- gender (1)
- gender equality (1)
- global commons (1)
- global governance (1)
- globalization (1)
- government (1)
- government formation (1)
- government policymaking (1)
- government stability (1)
- haushaltsnahe Dienstleistung (1)
- herkömmliche Geber (1)
- household services (1)
- huella ecológica (1)
- identity (1)
- ideology (1)
- indigene Völker (1)
- indigenous peoples (1)
- information flow (1)
- innovation (1)
- innovation adoption (1)
- institutional interplay (1)
- institutionelle Komplexität (1)
- institutions (1)
- inter-organizational order (1)
- inter-organizational relations (1)
- interdepartmental committee (1)
- interest group (1)
- interministerielle Arbeitsgruppe (1)
- international cooperation (1)
- international institutions (1)
- international law (1)
- international security (1)
- international trade (1)
- internationale Institutionen (1)
- internationale Organisationen (1)
- internationale Verwaltungen (1)
- internationale Zusammenarbeit (1)
- irony (1)
- irregular Migration (1)
- irreguläre Migration (1)
- issue market (1)
- job autonomy (1)
- job satisfaction (1)
- knowledge management (1)
- kollektive Identität (1)
- kollektives Gedächtnis (1)
- law-making (1)
- legislative conflict (1)
- legislative studies (1)
- legislatures (1)
- lifestyle (1)
- low wage sector (1)
- media (1)
- ministry of agriculture (1)
- minorities (1)
- modernización ecológica (1)
- monopoly of legitimate use of force (1)
- mots clés (1)
- multi level system (1)
- national ecological footprint (1)
- national ministries (1)
- nationale Ministerien (1)
- network analysis (1)
- neue Geber (1)
- new donors (1)
- new public management (1)
- nonprofit (1)
- nonstate actors (1)
- nuclear non-proliferation treaty (1)
- opposition (1)
- organisations internationales (1)
- organizaciones internacionales (1)
- organizational fields (1)
- organizational reputation (1)
- palabras clave (1)
- parental leave (1)
- parenthood (1)
- parliament (1)
- parliamentary democracy (1)
- party competition (1)
- peacekeeping (1)
- performance (1)
- personality (1)
- planetary boundaries (1)
- police reform (1)
- policy advice (1)
- policy agendas (1)
- policy analysis (1)
- policy diffusion (1)
- policy output (1)
- policy transfer (1)
- political disenchantment (1)
- political sociology (1)
- política ambiental comparada (1)
- pragmatism (1)
- preferences (1)
- private sector (1)
- process tracing (1)
- professionalization (1)
- project management quality (1)
- public (1)
- public administration reform (1)
- public sector innovation (1)
- qualitative Fallstudie (1)
- qualitative case study (1)
- reciprocity (1)
- reconciliation work and family (1)
- regional organizations (1)
- regulación estatal (1)
- regulation (1)
- regulations (1)
- representation (1)
- review (1)
- revolution (1)
- scenario (1)
- second chambers (1)
- security cooperation (1)
- semi-parliamentarism (1)
- separation of powers (1)
- social policy (1)
- state (1)
- state parliament (1)
- survival analysis (1)
- symbolic representation (1)
- terrorism (1)
- terrorist finance (1)
- tolerance (1)
- translation theory (1)
- treadmill of production (1)
- trust (1)
- unilateralism (1)
- vertrackte Probleme (1)
- veto players (1)
- veto point (1)
- violence (1)
- volunteer management (1)
- volunteering (1)
- water development aid (1)
- wicked problems (1)
- work (1)
- work-family policies (1)
- working hours (1)
- working time (1)
- zeitliche Belastung von Verordneten (1)
- Öffentliche Verwaltung (1)
- Überforderung (1)
- öffentliche Verwaltung (1)
Institute
- Sozialwissenschaften (187) (remove)
Zur Jahreswende 1959/60 sorgten Hakenkreuzschmierereien an jüdischen Einrichtungen in Köln und anderswo für Entsetzen und Empörung. Diese Vorkommnisse machten bewusst, was im Verlauf der 1960er Jahre zu einem Politikum für die jüngere Generation werden sollte: Die mangelnde Aufarbeitung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit. Diese Thematik sowie der von den USA in Vietnam geführte Krieg stellten mobilisierende Faktoren für die Herausbildung einer außerparlamentarischen Opposition (APO) in der Bundesrepublik dar, die sich in der zweiten Hälfte der 1960er Jahre verbreitert. Prof. Ingo Juchler beschreibt den Weg der Politischen Bildung durch die 60er Jahre und die Entwicklung hin zur sog. „didaktischen Wende“.
Eigentlich leben wir heute im Holozän, dem Erdzeitalter, das mit dem Ende der letzten großen Eiszeit vor etwa 12.000 Jahren seinen Ausgang nahm. Doch seit geraumer Zeit ist in Wissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit die Rede vom Anthropozän als der vom Menschen bestimmten gegenwärtigen Epoche. Mit der Begriffsschöpfung soll der gravierende Einfluss des Menschen auf die Umwelt zum Ausdruck gebracht werden, der sich nicht zuletzt in der Versauerung der Meere, im Artensterben und Klimawandel äußert. Doch wie spiegelt sich diese Erkenntnis in der Politischen Bildung wider?
Wie ästhetische Bildung, vom Theater ausgehend, zusammen mit politischer Bildung realisiert werden kann, wird in diesem Beitrag vorgestellt. Politiklehrer_innen bekommen einen Einblick in die didaktische Bedeutung und den Gewinn für Schüler_innen durch den außerschulischen Lernort des Theaters. Am Beispiel des antiken Schauspiels wird die Bedeutung des Theaters für politische, genauer demokratische Bildung aufgezeigt, indem dargelegt wird, wie sie die Handlungskompetenz, den Perspektivwechsel sowie die Urteilsfähigkeit einzelner positiv beeinflusst. Da diese Kompetenzen heute länderübergreifend in den Curricula festgeschrieben sind, bietet es sich an, das Theater in den Unterricht miteinzubinden. Im letzten Absatz dieses Beitrags liefert der Autor ein Beispiel für den Unterricht anhand des Schauspiels „Der Volksfeind“ von Henrik Ibsen, mithilfe dessen Politiklehrer_innen das Theater in ihren Unterricht integrieren können.
Politische Urteilsbildung
(2020)
Die Fähigkeit zum politischen Urteilen gilt als das übergeordnete Ziel politischer Bildungsbemühungen. Epistemologisch nimmt das Theorem der politischen Urteilsbildung seinen Ausgang in der Epoche der Aufklärung. Immanuel Kants Ausführungen über den Zusammenhang von Aufklärung und Mündigkeit in seiner Schrift Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklärung? bietet eine programmatische Vorlage für die weitere Auseinandersetzung mit Mündigkeit und politischer Urteilsbildung. Der Königsberger Philosoph erklärte hierin eingangs: „Aufklärung ist der Ausgang des Menschen aus seiner selbst verschuldeten Unmündigkeit. Unmündigkeit ist das Unvermögen, sich seines Verstandes ohne Leitung eines anderen zu bedienen. Selbstverschuldet ist diese Unmündigkeit, wenn die Ursache derselben nicht am Mangel des Verstandes, sondern der Entschließung und des Mutes liegt, sich seiner ohne Leitung eines andern zu bedienen. Sapere aude! Habe Mut, dich deines eigenen Verstandes zu bedienen! ist also der Wahlspruch der Aufklärung.“
Global food security governance is fraught with fragmentation, overlap and complexity. While calls for coordination and coherence abound, establishing an inter-organizational order at this level seems to remain difficult. While the emphasis in the literature has so far been on the global level, we know less about dynamics of inter-organizational relations in food security governance at the country level, and empirical studies are lacking. It is this research gap the article seeks to address by posing the following research question: In how far does inter-organizational order develop in the organizational field of food security governance at the country level? Theoretically and conceptually, the article draws on sociological institutionalism, and on work on inter-organizational relations. Empirically, the article conducts an exploratory case study of the organizational field of food security governance in Côte d’Ivoire, building on a qualitative content analysis of organizational documents covering a period from 2003 to 2016 and semi-structured interviews with staff of international organizations from 2016. The article demonstrates that not all of the developments attributed to food security governance at the global level play out in the same way at the country level. Rather, in the case of Côte d’Ivoire there are signs for a certain degree of coherence between IOs in the field of food security governance and even for an – albeit limited – division of labour. However, this only holds for specific dimensions of the inter-organizational order and appears to be subject to continuous contestation and reinterpretation under the surface.
In a critical approach to Mommsen’s classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber’s sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber’s ‘The Profession and Vocation of Politics’ on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber’s entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of ‘modern politics’ that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt’s foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber’s sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.
This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.
This article contributes to the politics of policy‐making in executive government. It introduces the analytical distinction between generalists and specialists as antagonistic players in executive politics and develops the claim that policy specialists are in a structurally advantaged position to succeed in executive politics and to fend off attempts by generalists to influence policy choices through cross‐cutting reform measures. Contrary to traditional textbook public administration, we explain the views of generalists and specialists not through their training but their positions within an organization. We combine established approaches from public policy and organization theory to substantiate this claim and to define the dilemma that generalists face when developing government‐wide reform policies (‘meta‐policies’) as well as strategies to address this problem. The article suggests that the conceptual distinction between generalists and specialists allows for a more precise analysis of the challenges for policy‐making across government organizations than established approaches.
In spring 2015, Turkey witnessed the unexpected rise of the HDP, founded by the Kurdish Liberation Movement together with the Turkish radical left, against President Erdoğan’s authoritarian rule. In this article, I will employ contemporary literature on left populism to explain the HDP’s rise as an alternative left hegemonic project against the neoliberal authoritarianism that Erdoğan represents. After discussing the historical context from which the HDP emerged and grew, I will evaluate its discourse and strategies based on a conceptualization of left-wing populism. Lastly, I will discuss the challenges that the HDP confronted after the June 2015 elections and the differences between the Turkish and Western European contexts for a left-wing populist strategy.
The Government will create a motivated, merit-based, performance-driven, and professional civil service that is resistant to temptations of corruption and which provides efficient, effective and transparent public services that do not force customers to pay bribes.
— (GoIRA, 2006, p. 106)
We were in a black hole! We had an empty glass and had nothing from our side to fill it with! Thus, we accepted anything anybody offered; that is how our glass was filled; that is how we reformed our civil service.
— (Former Advisor to IARCSC, personal communication, August 2015)
How and under what conditions were the post-Taleban Civil Service Reforms of Afghanistan initiated? What were the main components of the reforms? What were their objectives and to which extent were they achieved? Who were the leading domestic and foreign actors involved in the process? Finally, what specific factors influenced the success and failure Afghanistan’s Civil Service Reforms since 2002? Guided by such fundamental questions, this research studies the wicked process of reforming the Afghan civil service in an environment where a variety of contextual, programmatic, and external factors affected the design and implementation of reforms that were entirely funded and technically assisted by the international community.
Focusing on the core components of reforms—recruitment, remuneration, and appraisal of civil servants—the qualitative study provides a detailed picture of the pre-reform civil service and its major human resources developments in the past. Following discussions on the content and purposes of the main reform programs, it will then analyze the extent of changes in policies and practices by examining the outputs and effects of these reforms.
Moreover, the study defines the specific factors that led the reforms toward a situation where most of the intended objectives remain unachieved. Doing so, it explores and explains how an overwhelming influence of international actors with conflicting interests, large-scale corruption, political interference, networks of patronage, institutionalized nepotism, culturally accepted cronyism and widespread ethnic favoritism created a very complex environment and prevented the reforms from transforming Afghanistan’s patrimonial civil service into a professional civil service, which is driven by performance and merit.
Anthropocene has become an environmental buzzword. It denotes a new geological epoch that is human?dominated. As mounting scientific evidence reveals, humankind has fundamentally altered atmospheric, geological, hydrological, biospheric, and other Earth system processes to an extent that the risk of an irreversible system change emerges. Human societies must therefore change direction and navigate away from critical tipping points in the various ecosystems of our planet. This hypothesis has kicked off a debate not only on the geoscientific definition of the Anthropocene era, but increasingly also in the social sciences. However, the specific contribution of the social sciences disciplines and in particular that of political science still needs to be fully established.
This edited volume analyzes, from a political science perspective, the wider social dynamics underlying the ecological and geological changes, as well as their implications for governance and politics in the Anthropocene. The focus is on two questions: (1) What is the contribution of political science to the Anthropocene debate, e.g. in terms of identified problems, answers, and solutions? (2) What are the conceptual and practical implications of the Anthropocene debate for the discipline of political science?
Overall, this book contributes to the Anthropocene debate by providing novel theoretical and conceptual accounts of the Anthropocene, engaging with contemporary politics and policy-making in the Anthropocene, and offering a critical reflection on the Anthropocene debate as such. The volume will be of great interest to students and scholars of political science, global environmental politics and governance, and sustainable development.
Conclusion
(2019)
1989 in Deutschland
(2019)
Kaum ein Ereignis in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts war so bedeutsam wie die Friedliche Revolution von 1989, mit der die Bevölkerung der DDR sich vom SED - Regime befreite.
Dieses Buch nimmt die Leserinnen und Leser mit zu den zentralen Schauplätzen der Protestbewegung in Deutschland – in Leipzig, Berlin, Dresden, Chemnitz, Plauen, Rostock, Potsdam, Stendal und an vielen anderen Orten. Informative Texte zu den Hintergründen der Ereignisse und umfangreiches Bildmaterial machen das Buch zu einem anschaulichen Zeitreiseführer in die jüngere deutsche Geschichte.
This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.
This study assesses and explains international bureaucracies’ performance and role as policy advisors and as expert authorities from the perspective of domestic stakeholders. International bureaucracies are the secretariats of international organizations that carry out their work including generating knowledge, providing policy advice and implementing policy programs and projects. Scholars increasingly regard them as governance actors that are able to influence global and domestic policy making. In order to explain this influence, research has mainly focused on international bureaucracies’ formal features and/or staff characteristics. The way in which they are actually perceived by their domestic stakeholders, in particular by national bureaucrats, has not been systematically studied. Yet, this is equally important, given that they represent international bureaucracies’ addressees and are actors that (potentially) make use of international bureaucracies’ policy advice, which can be seen as an indicator for international bureaucracies’ influence. Accordingly, I argue that domestic stakeholders’ assessments can likewise contribute to explaining international bureaucracies’ influence.
The overarching research questions the study addresses are what are national stakeholders’ perspectives on international bureaucracies and under which conditions do they consider international bureaucracies’ policy advice? In answering these questions, I focus on three specific organizational features that the literature has considered important for international bureaucracies’ independent influence, namely international bureaucracies’ performance and their role as policy advisors and as expert authorities. These three features are studied separately in three independent articles, which are presented in Part II of this article-based dissertation.
To answer the research questions, I draw on novel data from a global survey among ministry officials of 121 countries. The survey captures ministry officials’ assessments of international bureaucracies’ features and their behavior with respect to international bureaucracies’ policy advice. The overall sample comprises the bureaucracies of nine global and nine regional international organizations in eight thematic areas in the policy fields of agriculture and finance.
The overall finding of this study is that international bureaucracies’ performance and their role as policy advisors and expert authorities as perceived by ministry officials are highly context-specific and relational. These features vary not only across international bureaucracies but much more intra-organizationally across the different thematic areas that an international bureaucracy addresses, i.e. across different thematic contexts. As far as to the relational nature of international bureaucracies’ features, the study generally finds strong variation across the assessments by ministry officials from different countries and across thematic areas. Hence, the findings highlight that it is likewise important to study international bureaucracies via the perspective of their stakeholders and to take account of the different thematic areas and contexts in which international bureaucracies operate.
The study contributes to current research on international bureaucracies in various ways. First, it directly surveys one important type of domestic stakeholders, namely national ministry officials, as to how they evaluate certain aspects of international bureaucracies instead of deriving them from their structural features, policy documents or assessments by their staff. Furthermore, the study empirically tests a range of theoretical hypotheses derived from the literature on international bureaucracies’ influence, as well as related literature. Second, the study advances methods of assessing international bureaucracies through a large-N, cross-national expert survey among ministry officials. A survey of this type of stakeholder and of this scope is – to my knowledge – unprecedented. Yet, as argued above, their perspectives are equally important for assessing and explaining international bureaucracies’ influence. Third, the study adapts common theories of international bureaucracies’ policy influence and expert authority to the assessments by ministry officials. In so doing, it tests hypotheses that are rooted in both rationalist and constructivist accounts and combines perspectives on international bureaucracies from both International Relations and Public Administration. Empirically supporting and challenging these hypotheses further complements the theoretical understanding of the determinants of international bureaucracies’ influence among national bureaucracies from both rationalist and constructivist perspectives.
Overall, this study advances our understanding of international bureaucracies by systematically taking into account ministry officials’ perspectives in order to determine under which conditions international bureaucracies are perceived to perform well and are able to have an effect as policy advisors and expert authorities among national bureaucracies. Thereby, the study helps to specify to what extent international bureaucracies – as global governance actors – are able to permeate domestic governance via ministry officials and, thus, contribute to the question of why some international bureaucracies play a greater role and are ultimately able to have more influence than others.