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Bezogen auf das Bruttoinlandsprodukt ist China eine wichtige regionale Wirtschaftsmacht, aber keine Supermacht. Doch das Wachstumspotential zehrt sich auf, auch weil die Investitionsdynamik der Unternehmen und der Bankensektor härteren Kreditrestriktionen unterworfen werden. Chinas bislang geschütztes Finanzsystem, das von der Globalisierung untergraben wird, ist die Achillesferse für das hohe Wachstum.
Aus Warschauer Perspektive
(2006)
Neue Akzente statt Neubeginn
(2006)
Im Gespräch werden folgende Themen behandelt: WT: Welche politische Bilanz der Präsidentschaft Putins würden Sie ziehen? WT: Wie haben sich die soziale und wirtschafliche Lage sowie das geistige Klima in Russland während dieser Zeit verändert? WT: Wie beurteilen Sie die Persönlichkeit und das politische Konzept des neuen Präsidenten Dimitri Medwedjew? WT: Wie schätzen Sie die sich ankündigende „Tandem“-Variante der Machtausübung im künftigen Russland ein? Wird es einen starken Ministerpräsidenten Putin und einen zu diesem loyalen, sich gewissermaßen selbstbeschränkenden Präsidenten Medwedjew geben? Oder widerspricht das dem Charakter des Institutionensystems in Russland?
Die Putin-Medwedjew-Rochade
(2008)
Die Globalisierung Russlands wird durch Rohstoffexporte und hohe Investitionen des Westens in den russischen Energiesektor vorangetrieben. Gleichzeitig festigt sich ein hybrides politisches System mit sowohl autoritären als auch demokratischen Elementen. Soll Russland ein zuverlässlicher Partner des Westens bleiben, müssen die russischen Interessen sowie die neue außenpolitische Stärke berücksichtigt werden.
Mit dem Vertrag von Lissabon verbinden sich hohe Erwartungen hinsichtlich der Effektivität zukünftiger Regelungen zum auswärtigen Handeln der Union. In der Gestaltung dieser Bestimmungen unterliegen die Mitgliedstaaten konstitutionellen Dilemmata, die eine Lösung erschweren. Obwohl im Detail durchaus Verbesserungen erkennbar sind, werden insgesamt zunehmende Konflikte und mangelnde Kohärenz erwartet.
Vor einhundert Jahren eröffnete die Wissenschaftlerin und Sozialreformerin Dr. med. Maria Montessori in Rom ihre erste Kindertagesstätte, das „Casa dei Bambini”. Inzwischen gibt es allein in Deutschland ca. eintausend Kindergärten und auch Schulen, die nach ihrem Konzept arbeiten. Der Beitrag will auf die Zusammenhänge zwischen dem Menschenrecht auf Bildung, dem pädagogischen Konzept der Maria Montessori und ihrem natur- und verhaltenswissenschaftlich begründeten Ansatz der Lernforschung hinweisen.
Was haben Menschenrechte und Mediation miteinander zu tun? Was bezwecken sie, und welche Rolle spielt das Wissen der Natur- und Verhaltenswissenschaften über zwischenmenschliche Kommunikation? Der Beitrag versucht, ausgehend von den Begriffen Menschenrechte und Mediation deren Beziehungsgefüge aus interdisziplinärer Sicht aufzudecken.
China ist auf dem Weg zu einer offeneren Gesellschaft mit zunehmender Partizipation, größerer rechtlicher Sicherheit und individueller Autonomie. Der Staat zog sich aus vielen Bereichen zurück, ökonomische Ziele bestimmen seine Prioritäten. Die Entwicklungserfolge brachten jedoch eine Legitimationskrise des Staates mit sich. Vier Dilemmata, die China heute konfrontieren, werden aufgezeigt und Hypothesen zur Charakterisierung des chinesischen party state diskutiert.
Chinas Wandel und die Welt
(2006)
Wie stellt sich das Verhältnis zwischen China und der Welt im 21. Jahrhundert dar? Die Autorin, Politikwissenschaftlerin aus Peking, verweist auf die aktuelle Debatte in China, in der das Primat der Innenpolitik, regionaler Multilateralismus und harmonische Weltordnung intensiv diskutiert werden. China habe nicht vor, das internationale System herauszufordern oder zu zerstören. Vielmehr sei es um stärkere Einbindung bemüht.
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.
The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.
Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.
Are we witnessing a decline of war, the spread of violence or both? The growing number of wars and genocids conveys the impression of uncontrolled violence. Is there any possibility to overcome belligerent conflicts between states? Do imply social, technological, cultural or even anthropological changes moments which could shift the ground of state’s rivalry towards non-belligerent relationships? Peace trough interdependence and democracy seems possible. The priorities of modern states cannot be thought on the basis of attributes like sovereignty and territoriality. The peaceful 'bourgeois islands' not only bring about prosperity but increasing social exclusion as well. New phenomenon of ethnicism and religiosity often originate from, around and in their midst. Threats arising from terrorism and racial or religious riots are the consequences. There are two options, the author considers as possible: an "embourgeoisement" of the "barbarians" or a "barbarisation of the bourgeois". Or is there a new political form emerging?
The failure of politics is closely connected with deeply rooted misconceptions about the term politics. The author argues that a re-reading of Immanuel Kant's work "The Perpetual Peace" written 200 years ago offers a challenging possibility for a new conceptualization of politics, morality and peace. Morality is seen by Kant as an essential dimension of politics and the implementation and acknowledgement of laws by moral demands is defined as a precondition for a community of free citizens. In its public discourse politics does require law and morality. Deriving future rights from existing laws is one of the most favored argumentation used by politicians in the public. If the needs of law and justice are interpretated by politicians in their own interest, i.e. above all guarantees for the realization of political selfdetermination, then a real chance will exist for improving peace in the future.
The article argues that the concept of statehood is not functioning any longer. It exists a crisis for the international legal order which is represented by the failure of state to maintain order within its borders. The problem of violence in international relations are connected to the implosion of a considerable number of the state entities in the contemporary international society. The federalist institutional approach in international law and international theory could not contribute in an appropriate way to the solution of the "problem of violence", because it supposes a willingness on the part of states to do so. Only the concept of "national interest", in a sociological sense, connected to the development of a discource of solidarity and mutual responsibility between the "West" and the "rest of the world" offers the possibility to create a common consciousness which could make it easier to overcome the contemporary crises for the international legal order.
The Chinese coastal cities play an increasing economic role in the Yellow Sea region. The inclusion of these cities into the intra Asian economic cooperation is accomplished not only in the conventional sphere of trade but also by a growing involvement in telecommunication networks, technological exchange and the circulation of human resources. That is why these cities emerge as autonomous actors in the East Asian integration process. In this context national states face deep structural change, especially in the field of sovereignty and territory. Concerning the internal situation of China, this change could also cause a turn over of the relationship between the central government and the regions.
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
Based on the discussion on Germany´s new 'central location', the author tries to sketch Germany´s geopolitical position in view of the constellation of powers in Europe from a national point of view. This favourable position offers a great chance for the country to play an active role in Europe’s integration. However, German historical heritage as well as the delicate relationship of Germany´s political elite to the use of power are reasons for the country´s hesitation to fulfill her neighbours’ and her allies’ expectations. Anyhow, Summaries 192 rooted in the West-European and transatlantic integration is Germany the natural dooropener for its Eastern, South-Eastern and Baltic neighbours to become 'members of the club'. )</a> Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Flight and expulsion are and will remain important international problems. The existence of refugees is a result of unsolved domestic tasks. Thus, effective solutions require comprehensive and long-term strategies. So far the efforts to reduce the causes of escape have not been sufficient. In the current refugee crises millions of people can survive only with the help of an efficient international system (for example the UNHCR) that guarantees humanitarian aid and protection. However, this system has turned out to be inadequate although the potential of preventive action is sufficient to reach a major progress in diminishing the refugee problem.
Although without providing a systematical comparison, it has become clear that the sects or party-factions of Japan’s New Left movement are by no means merely copies of their counterparts in the West. On the other hand their conduct may not be judged as to be a unique Japanese phenomenon. What they embody is, on the whole, a complex symbiosis of universal and particularly Japanese features, which can be observed in the fields of social behavior, organizational structure, and group dynamics. The particularity of the New Left factions is mostly revealed through the higher intensity of specific features rather than through pecularities found only in Japan.
Underlying the importance of revenue the author discusses the future of the international order from the perspective of political economy. The international system will not be a capitalist one. Political conflicts will not be removed by nonviolent market regulations. Weakness of labour force and a dominant role of revenue will further more result in political interventions by nation states. The struggle for revenue to maintain comparative advantages in high-tech-development strengthens state intervention in order to protect domestic market. The failure of the "development state" in the third world and the rising of fundamentalistic tendencies supported by a market-oriented middle class will increase conflicts in those regions.
There has never been a theory of transition from really existing Socialism to a democratic and market-oriented system. Different theoretical approaches are taken into consideration by the author. Experiences of other transitional processes are practicable on Eastern Europe in a limited way. The missing of socio-structural differentiation, the socio-cultural consequences of the really existing Socialism and the international conditions did not promote the transition. It seems that the transition in Eastern Europe is obviously not a change from one political system to another one, but for the time being an open process.
Taking the visit of Erich Honecker to China as an example, the author analyses the bilateral GDR-Chinese relations in the 1980s. Based on extensive original research, the objectives as well as disappointed hopes are presented. The author reveals that not Honecker played the "Chinese Card", but he himself became part of Chinese politics. At the same time, the contradictory reaction to that visit in Moscow are documented when, with the election of Gorbachev, first signs of a change in Soviet policy toward China were indicated. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
The dramatic changes in international relations characterized by the terms "Complex Interdependence" and "Segmentary Globalization" call for new explanation. The author considers the post-modern approaches, a critical analysis of which he presents, to be one possibility to do that. In studies of international policy, these post-modern influences are gaining ground in disputes with realistic and neo-realistic approaches, and they can also clearly be felt in Latin America. Tomassini, based on the historic experiences of Latin America, forcefully calls for an active and constructive incorporation of the region into international developments. For that, Latin-American societies have to establish modern, and open political as well as economic systems which are able to meet those challenges.
Mit diesem Heft wird die Diskussion über eine neue deutsche Ostpolitik fortgesetzt und abgeschlossen. Diese hatte im Heft Nr. 49 mit Thesen von Jochen Franzke begonnen, im nächsten Heft wurden erste Beiträge publiziert. Insgesamt haben sich Wissenschaftler und Politiker aus Deutschland, Österreich, Polen, Finnland und Tschechien beteiligt. Die Debatte schließt mit Schlussbemerkungen des Initiators. Ulrich Best, Katrin Böttger, Vladimir Handl, Heinz Timmermann, Christian Wipperfürth, Sabina Wölkner, Gesine Schwan, Dieter Segert, Beata Wilga, Markus Löning und Ole Diehl, Angelica Schwall-Düren, Wolfgang Gehrcke und Jochen Franzke
"Small wars" will play an increasing role in the conflict scenarios of the 21st century, at the expense of inter-state wars. One of the key features of future war is the difficult differentiation between civilian and military targets, between combatants and noncombatants. It is argued that the parallel (and competing) structures of both states and non-state actors using force openly and equally will be a permanent feature of international security policy in the 21st century. This development is tantamount to the dissolution of the monopoly on the legitimate use of force by the states. The state-centered system of international relations has been a distinctive hallmark of the modern period. It is bound to give way, however, to the parallel and competing structures of state actors and non-state actors which was a central attribute of the Middle Ages. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
In den theoretischen Grundlagen moderner Verfassungsstaaten wird Angst als zentrale politische Größe ausgewiesen. In der Hobbesschen Ursprungsmythologie moderner Staatlichkeit spielt sie eine entscheidende Rolle für die Staatskonstituierung. Aufgrund ihrer Staatszentriertheit bietet die Vertragstheorie allerdings kein hinreichendes Erklärungspotential für die transnationale terroristische Strategie der Angst. Der Angstpolitik des Terrorismus steht aber auch eine Nutzbarmachung der Angst durch Regierungen bedrohter Staaten gegenüber.
Geheimdienste in Demokratien
(2006)
Geheimdienste sind für den modernen Staat zur Gewährleistung seiner inneren und äußeren Sicherheit wesentlich und stehen ständig vor neuen Herausforderungen. Die Dienste der Bundesrepublik sind aus der Frontstaatlage im Kalten Krieg gewachsen, und ihr Wert als geheimes Regierungsinstrument ist durch eine Vielzahl systemischer Probleme erheblich eingeschränkt. Zudem gibt es weder eine klare Standortbestimmung der Dienste im politischen System, noch eine moralische Grenzziehung ihrer Aktivitäten.
In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany's foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik. This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends. Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.
In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany’s foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik. This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends. Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.
Indonesia’s arduous path to democracy is threatened by several domestic conflicts. Although the civil war in Aceh – a region in the north of Sumatra – has claimed thousands of victims, the incidents have not yet been adequately dealt with – neither in the public domain nor within the scientific community. In May 2003, the Indonesian president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, imposed material law on the Aceh region in order to crack down on the separatist movement Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). This step does not seem to be in line with serious concepts of democracy and is threatening the consolidation of the transformation process. The author seeks to shed light on the roots of the conflict, the motivation of leading politicians in Jakarta to deploy military means instead of continuing negotiations, and its consequences for the Indonesian process of democratisation.
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
In this article, Immanuel Wallerstein tries to anticipate the evolution of world conflicts and structures over the next decades. In his analysis, he identifies three main cleavages which structure future global conflicts: the triadic cleavage between the United States, Europe and Japan, who compete economically; the North-South cleavage between core zones and the periphery of the world economy; and, finally, the cleavage between what he calls the "Spirit of Davos" and the "Spirit of Porto Alegre" as a conflict between alternative images of the future world order. The structure and the dynamics of each cleavage are analysed and their evolution over the next decades is anticipated.
This issue of WeltTrends features the debate about the future of the transatlantic relationship and world order after the Iraq war. It was started by Thomas Risse with his article in the previous edition. Thomas Risse elaborated on three main points of contention between the United States and Europe: the role of international law and multilateralism, democracy and human rights, and the strategy towards new security threats. Most of the scholars, contributing to the debate in this issue agree with Risse in that there is no alternative to the transatlantic partnership and offer possible paths towards its renewal. The debate will be continued with additional comments and a rebuttal by Thomas Risse in the next Winter issue.
Do the transatlantic relations have a future after the Iraq crisis and what will they look like? This question will be discussed in this and the next issue of WeltTrends. For this debate, Thomas Risse, Chair of International Relation at the Freie Universität Berlin, provides the initial input. Risse focuses on controversial issues inside of Europe, the outcome of which will be decisive for the future of the transatlantic relationship. Will the European consensus once constituted by the commitment to international law and multilateralism persist? What is the European position regarding democracy and human rights in the Middle East? Will Europe develop a strategy to cope with the new kind of threats posed by weapons of mass destruction in the hands of dictators or terrorists? Risse´s article has provoked a debate inside the German academic community, whose contributions will be published in the next issue of WeltTrends.
At the beginning of the 21st century the welfare state is under pressure from two sides. On the one hand, there is "globalisation", on the other hand seems to be some sort of normative crisis of the welfare state’s moral foundations. The welfare state is said to curtail individual freedom and autonomy. This article rejects this assumption by exploring the philosophical and moral foundations of the welfare state, thereby demonstrating that it is essentially necessary for individual freedom and autonomy. Furthermore, it is shown that individual freedom is also the core principle of liberal democracy and that the welfare state is therefore an indispensable prerequisite for democracy itself.
Völkerrecht und Ethnizität
(2003)
Both universal and regional international instruments seek to maintain and to strengthen peace and security through the development of friendly and co-operative relations between equally sovereign states respecting human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. History shows that failure to respect minority rights can undermine stability within states and negatively affect relations between states, thus endangering international peace. While minority situations vary greatly and the ordinary democratic process may be adequate to respond to the needs and aspirations of minorities, experience also shows that special measures are often required to facilitate the effective participation of minorities in public life. The article analyzes the contribution of international law to this field.
The central focus of this essay is the "politicisation" of ethnicity in contemporary German immigration policy and its underlying ethnic ideology. Emphasis is put on the relevance of ethnicity and how it is viewed within the framework of German immigration policy. The author discusses German citizenship policy and its ideology, which creates ethnic boundaries in order to serve as a mechanism to defend limited access to German citizenship. The effects of the elevation of so-called ethnic groups through privileged immigration are explained with the example of ethnic German emigrants living in the former Soviet Union – the "Auslandsdeutschen" – and the process of their ethnic formation.