320 Politikwissenschaft
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (152)
- Part of a Book (89)
- Monograph/Edited Volume (27)
- Other (22)
- Doctoral Thesis (15)
- Review (9)
- Master's Thesis (5)
- Postprint (3)
- Report (3)
- Working Paper (3)
Is part of the Bibliography
- yes (331)
Keywords
- Germany (8)
- Integration (5)
- Security Council (5)
- World Bank (5)
- decision-making (5)
- Migration (4)
- Politikunterricht (4)
- digitalization (4)
- discourse (4)
- executive personalism (4)
- governance (4)
- human rights (4)
- international organisations (4)
- separation of powers (4)
- Australia (3)
- Deutschland (3)
- Föderalismus (3)
- bicameralism (3)
- civil war (3)
- counterterrorism (3)
- crisis (3)
- democracy (3)
- institutional design (3)
- international organizations (3)
- parliamentary government (3)
- political education (3)
- semi-parliamentary government (3)
- territorial reforms (3)
- terrorism (3)
- BSW (2)
- COVID-19 (2)
- Coordination (2)
- Eurobarometer (2)
- European Union (2)
- Ferdinand von Schirach (2)
- International (2)
- International Financial Institutions (2)
- Krise (2)
- Krisenmanagement (2)
- Liberia (2)
- Local authorities (2)
- Politikberatung (2)
- Politische Bildung (2)
- United Nations (2)
- authoritarianism (2)
- bias (2)
- climate change (2)
- constitutional design (2)
- contestation (2)
- crisis management (2)
- democratic theory (2)
- digital transformation (2)
- drug control (2)
- e-government (2)
- elections (2)
- feminism (2)
- gender (2)
- institutions (2)
- international (2)
- international law (2)
- international non-governmental organizations (2)
- international public administration (2)
- international relations (2)
- legal change (2)
- local government (2)
- margins of error (2)
- metamorphosis of international law (2)
- new public management (2)
- pandemic (2)
- patterns of democracy (2)
- peacebuilding (2)
- policy (2)
- policy advice (2)
- populism (2)
- presidential government (2)
- presidentialism (2)
- semi-parliamentarism (2)
- transitional justice (2)
- value change (2)
- (Justiz-) Roman (1)
- (post) new public management (1)
- 1848/49 revolution (1)
- AKP (1)
- Active learning (1)
- Administration (1)
- Administrative reform (1)
- AfD (1)
- Al-Qaida (1)
- Alternative für Deutschland (1)
- Anti-Imperialismus (1)
- Antifeminismus (1)
- Antisemitism (1)
- Antisemitismus (1)
- Arbeitsmarkt (1)
- Artefakte (1)
- Aufsatzsammlung (1)
- Augmented reality (1)
- Ausländerbehörde (1)
- Australien (1)
- Auswertung (1)
- Automatisierung (1)
- Bedrohungsvorstellung (1)
- Benchmarking (1)
- Berliner Mauer (1)
- Beutelsbach consensus (1)
- Beutelsbacher Konsens (1)
- Bildung (1)
- Brasilien (1)
- Brazil (1)
- Bürgerbeteiligung (1)
- CORONA-Krise (1)
- COVID-19 pandemic (1)
- CPPS (1)
- CPS (1)
- Chancengleichheit (1)
- Changing nature of armed conflict (1)
- China (1)
- Circular argumentation (1)
- Civic Education (1)
- Civil society (1)
- Climate change (1)
- Comparative Public Administration (1)
- Compliance (1)
- Conseil de sécurité (1)
- Consejo de Seguridad (1)
- Constitutive Mechanism (1)
- Coordination structures (1)
- Counterterrorism (1)
- Country experience (1)
- Covid-19-Pandemie (1)
- Daten (1)
- Decarbonisation (1)
- Decision Probability (1)
- Decoloniale Theorie (1)
- Dekarbonisierung (1)
- Demokratie (1)
- Demokratieförderung (1)
- Demokratietheorie (1)
- Der Fall Collini (1)
- Development cooperation (1)
- Dezentralisierung (1)
- Dicranopteris linearis (1)
- Digitalisierung (1)
- Diskurs (1)
- Diskursanalyse (1)
- Diskurstheorie (1)
- EU external borders (1)
- EU-Außengrenzen (1)
- EU-Integration (1)
- Education (1)
- Effektivität (1)
- Egalitarismus (1)
- Electoral systems (1)
- Emanzipation (1)
- Energiesysteme (1)
- Energiewende (1)
- Enforcement (1)
- Entscheidungsunterstützung (1)
- Entwicklungstheorien (1)
- Entwicklungszusammenarbeit (1)
- Erde (1)
- Erdogan (1)
- Erneuerbare Energie (1)
- Erzählungen, (1)
- Europe (1)
- European Commission (1)
- European Green Deal (1)
- European Immigration Policies (1)
- Europäisierung (1)
- Existentialismus (1)
- Expert Authority (1)
- Federalism (1)
- Feminismus (1)
- Feministische Philosophie (1)
- Finanzrisiken (1)
- Flüchtlingskrise (1)
- Folter (1)
- Forms of government (1)
- Forschungsmethoden (1)
- Foucault (1)
- France (1)
- Frauen (1)
- Frauenbewegung (1)
- Frauenhass (1)
- Freiheit (1)
- GIZ (1)
- Gemeinden (1)
- Gender (1)
- Generalized knowledge constructin axiom (1)
- Gerechtigkeit (1)
- German science council (1)
- German women's movement (1)
- Gesundheit (1)
- Gewalt (1)
- Gewaltenteilung (1)
- Global South (1)
- Global order (1)
- Gobernanza de los Comités (1)
- Green infrastructure investment (1)
- Grundwerte (1)
- Hackathon (1)
- Hanau (1)
- Hochkommissariat für Menschenrechte (OHCHR) (1)
- IMF (1)
- INGOs (1)
- Identität (1)
- Impartiality (1)
- Incels (1)
- Industry 4.0 (1)
- Informal reform (1)
- Inhaltsanalyse (1)
- Institutional change (1)
- Integration Policy (1)
- Integration strategy (1)
- Integrationspolitik (1)
- Interdisciplinary research (1)
- Interdisziplinarität (1)
- International Bureaucracies (1)
- International Monetary Fund (1)
- International Practices (1)
- International bureaucrats (1)
- International cooperation (1)
- International relations (1)
- Internationale Beziehungen (1)
- Internationalisierung (1)
- Internet of things (1)
- Investitionsverhalten (1)
- Investment Behavior (1)
- Irak (1)
- Iran (1)
- Iraq (1)
- Isla Vista (1)
- Juden (1)
- Kategorienbildung (1)
- Klassik (1)
- Klimagovernance (1)
- Klimakrise (1)
- Klimapolitik (1)
- Klimawandel (1)
- Koalitionsbildung (1)
- Kommune (1)
- Kompetenzen (1)
- Kontext (1)
- Kontroversität (1)
- Kontroversitätsgebot (1)
- Koordinierung (1)
- Künstliche Intelligenz (1)
- Lateinamerika (1)
- Legitimität (1)
- Lehrkompetenz (1)
- Leistungsverwaltung (1)
- Liberalismus (1)
- Lieferkettengesetz (1)
- Local Civil Society Networks (1)
- Local Governance (1)
- Local administrative systems (1)
- Local autonomy (1)
- Local government reform (1)
- Louise Otto-Peters (1)
- Lucha antiterrorista (1)
- Macht (1)
- Manosphere (1)
- Market Dynamics (1)
- Markt (1)
- Marktdynamik (1)
- Measurement theory (1)
- Media (1)
- Medien (1)
- Medizintechnik (1)
- Mehrebenen-System (1)
- Mehrebenensystem (1)
- Meinungsbildung (1)
- Mensch-Tier-Beziehung (1)
- Menschen- rechtserklärungen/-übereinkommen (1)
- Menschenrechte (1)
- Meta-model (1)
- Methodenpluralismus (1)
- Methodological pluralism (1)
- Migrants (1)
- Migration Policy (1)
- Migrationspolitik (1)
- Mikropolitik (1)
- Modellierung (1)
- Moderation (1)
- Monetary Fund (1)
- Municipalities (1)
- Nachhaltigkeit (1)
- Nachwuchsförderung (1)
- Narration (1)
- Narrationen (1)
- Narrative (1)
- National state communication (1)
- Negotiation (1)
- Neoliberalismus (1)
- Neutrality (1)
- New public management (1)
- Nicht-Beherrschung (1)
- Nicht-ideale Theorie (1)
- Norm collisions (1)
- Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (1)
- Open Governance (1)
- Ordnungsverwaltung (1)
- Organisations (1)
- Othering (1)
- P/CVE (1)
- Pandemie (1)
- Paris Agreement (1)
- Parteigeschlossenheit (1)
- Peacebuilding (1)
- Performance (1)
- Pluralismus (1)
- Poland (1)
- Policy (1)
- Policy Changes (1)
- Policy recommendations (1)
- Politikänderungen (1)
- Populismus (1)
- Poststrukturalismus (1)
- Potassium (1)
- Precedent (1)
- Proceso debido (1)
- Process modeling (1)
- Promoting young researchers (1)
- Prozessexpertise (1)
- Prozessgestaltung (1)
- Präferenzen (1)
- Public Management (1)
- Public opinion (1)
- Public-private partnerships (1)
- QCA (1)
- Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse (1)
- Quality management (1)
- Rankings (1)
- Ratchet Effect (1)
- Recht (1)
- Rechtserziehung (1)
- Rechtsextremismus (1)
- Rechtsstaat (1)
- Rechtsterrorismus (1)
- Recipient performance (1)
- Reddit (1)
- Regulierung (1)
- Religionsfreiheit (1)
- Renewable Energy (1)
- Republikanismus (1)
- Research methods (1)
- Responsibility to Protect (1)
- Revolution 1848/49 (1)
- Rio Conventions (1)
- Risikoauferlegung (1)
- Sachbearbeitung (1)
- Sanciones de la ONU (1)
- Sanktionen (1)
- Schulbuchanalyse (1)
- Sebastian Kurz (1)
- Security council (1)
- Security council reform (1)
- Semi-Parlamentarismus (1)
- Serene Khader (1)
- Sexismus (1)
- Sicherheit (1)
- Sicherheitspolitik (1)
- Sicherheitsrat (1)
- Sierra Leone (1)
- Simulation process building (1)
- Simulations (1)
- Social Choice Theory (1)
- Soziale Gleichheit (1)
- Sozialer Status (1)
- Soziologie (1)
- Staatliche Leistungsfähigkeit (1)
- Stakeholder (1)
- Storytelling (1)
- Strafgerichtsverfahren (1)
- Sub-national Autonomy (1)
- Sudan (1)
- Supervision (1)
- Survey (1)
- Sustainability indicators (1)
- Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (1)
- Sweden (1)
- Syria (1)
- Systemisches Risiko (1)
- Terrorismus (1)
- The Collini Case (1)
- Transformation (1)
- Transformationsforschung (1)
- Transnationale Demokratie (1)
- Turkish politics (1)
- Types of democracy (1)
- UN (1)
- UN Security Council (1)
- UN human rights treaty bodies (1)
- UN sanctions (1)
- Umweltperformanz (1)
- Umweltpolitik (1)
- United Kingdom (1)
- Universalismus (1)
- Unterrichtskonzeption (1)
- Unterrichtsmedium (1)
- Use cases Morphologic box (1)
- Verflechtung (1)
- Verschwindenlassen (1)
- Verwaltung (1)
- Veto Player (1)
- Vetopunkte (1)
- Vetospieler (1)
- Weak and strong sustainability (1)
- West Africa (1)
- Wicked problems (1)
- Winning Coalition (1)
- Wirksamkeit von Entwicklungspolitik (1)
- Wissenschaft (1)
- Wissenschaftsrat (1)
- Wissenssoziologie (1)
- actor constellations (1)
- administration (1)
- administrative culture (1)
- administrative reforms (1)
- advocacy coalitions (1)
- agency (1)
- aid (1)
- aid allocation (1)
- aid effectiveness (1)
- anthropocene (1)
- anti-gender (1)
- antifeminist (1)
- artefacts (1)
- authoritarian resilience (1)
- authoritarian rule (1)
- authority (1)
- borders (1)
- boundary spanning (1)
- bourgeoisie (1)
- burden of disease (1)
- bureaucracy (1)
- bürgerliches Frauenbild (1)
- capacity (1)
- child labour (1)
- citizen participation (1)
- citizenship (1)
- civil service survey (1)
- civilian infrastructure (1)
- climate and energy policy (1)
- climate finance (1)
- climate governance (1)
- climate mitigation (1)
- climate policy (1)
- closing civic space (1)
- coalition formation (1)
- collaboration (1)
- collaborative governance (1)
- collective targeting (1)
- committee governance (1)
- comparative (1)
- comparative environmental politics (1)
- comparative public administration (1)
- competencies (1)
- complex problems (1)
- computerunterstütze Datenanalyse (1)
- conflict management (1)
- conflict resolution (1)
- consensus democracy (1)
- constitution-making (1)
- constitutional state (1)
- containment (1)
- contentious politics (1)
- coordination (1)
- corruption (1)
- criminal proceeding (1)
- crises (1)
- data (1)
- data and methods (1)
- de facto authority (1)
- de jure authority (1)
- death (1)
- death penalty (1)
- decarbonization (1)
- decentralization (1)
- delegation (1)
- deliberative Demokratie (1)
- democratic performance (1)
- democratization (1)
- dependency (1)
- development (1)
- development projects (1)
- dictatorship (1)
- digital government (1)
- digital overload (1)
- digitale Demokratie (1)
- digitale Verwaltung (1)
- direct democracy (1)
- direkte Demokratie (1)
- disability-adjusted life years (1)
- discrimination (1)
- doctrine (1)
- domestic politics (1)
- drivers for change (1)
- due process (1)
- e-services (1)
- earth system governance (1)
- ecological modernization (1)
- effective district magnitude (1)
- energy (1)
- environmental degradation (1)
- environmental mainstreaming (1)
- environmental policy (1)
- environmental policy effects (1)
- environmental policy performance (1)
- epistemic injustice (1)
- epistemische Ungerechtigkeit (1)
- europäische Einwanderungspolitiken (1)
- executive head (1)
- executive-parties dimension (1)
- executives (1)
- exekutiver Personalismus (1)
- expert authority (1)
- expert recommendations (1)
- expertise (1)
- facilitation (1)
- far right (1)
- far-right extremism (1)
- far-right groups (1)
- far-right parties (1)
- far-right populism (1)
- featured (1)
- federalism (1)
- fern (1)
- financial policy (1)
- fisheries policy (1)
- formale Modelle (1)
- fragile epistemische Subjekte (1)
- gender mainstreaming (1)
- gender research (1)
- geographical proximity (1)
- global commons (1)
- global environmental governance (1)
- global environmental politics (1)
- global governance (1)
- global health (1)
- global public policy (1)
- globale Umweltpolitik (1)
- globalization (1)
- gouvernance de comité (1)
- government policymaking (1)
- green finance (1)
- green recovery (1)
- hackathon (1)
- health security (1)
- health services (1)
- hermeneutical capability (1)
- hermeneutical injustice (1)
- hierarchy (1)
- higher education (1)
- history (1)
- hospitals (1)
- huella ecológica (1)
- human mind (1)
- human trafficking (1)
- human-animal relationship (1)
- impact evaluation (1)
- impartiality (1)
- incels (1)
- individual complaints procedures (1)
- information and communication technologies (1)
- institutional change (1)
- institutional interplay (1)
- institutional investors (1)
- institutional policy (1)
- institutional reform (1)
- institutional theory (1)
- inter-governmental relations (1)
- intergovernmental reforms (1)
- intergovernmental relations (1)
- intergovernmental treaty secretariats (1)
- international administration (1)
- international bureaucracy (1)
- international development (1)
- international institutions (1)
- international legal order (1)
- international organisation (1)
- international trade (1)
- internationale Beziehungen (1)
- job autonomy (1)
- job satisfaction (1)
- just transition (1)
- justice (1)
- land management (1)
- law (1)
- law education (1)
- legislative Erfolgsraten (1)
- legislative success rates (1)
- legislatures (1)
- legitimacy (1)
- liberalism (1)
- local and urban governance (1)
- local autonomy (1)
- local community (1)
- local finance (1)
- local government systems (1)
- local politics (1)
- lokale Autonomie (1)
- lokale Netzwerke der Zivilgesellschaft (1)
- lokale Verwaltung (1)
- lutte contre le terrorisme (1)
- male supremacy (1)
- managerial reforms (1)
- manosphere (1)
- marine governance (1)
- men's rights (1)
- meso-level of government (1)
- micro-politics (1)
- micropolitics (1)
- minority rights (1)
- misogyny (1)
- mixed methods (1)
- modernización ecológica (1)
- modernization (1)
- multi-level governance (1)
- multi-level government (1)
- multi-level system (1)
- multi-party systems (1)
- multilateralism (1)
- multiplicity (1)
- municipalities (1)
- narration (1)
- narrative approach (1)
- narrativer Ansatz (1)
- national ecological footprint (1)
- nativism (1)
- natural climate solutions (1)
- neo weberian state (1)
- neue Parteien (1)
- new parties (1)
- newsfeed (1)
- nineteenth and twentieth century (1)
- non-state actors (1)
- norm change (1)
- norm collisions (1)
- norm dynamics (1)
- norm robustness (1)
- norms (1)
- novel (1)
- open governance (1)
- opinion polls (1)
- orchestration (1)
- organization theory (1)
- organizational reform (1)
- organizational reputation (1)
- organizations (1)
- othering (1)
- parliamentary democracy (1)
- partizipative Demokratie (1)
- party competition (1)
- party unity (1)
- pathozentrische epistemische Ungerechtigkeit (1)
- peace (1)
- peace process (1)
- peacekeeping (1)
- performance (1)
- phytolith (1)
- planetary boundaries (1)
- policy agendas (1)
- policy analysis (1)
- policy output (1)
- policy scope (1)
- policy signals (1)
- policy strategy (1)
- policy substitutes (1)
- political campaigns (1)
- political equality (1)
- political repression (1)
- political science (1)
- political stability (1)
- politics (1)
- politics and the media (1)
- politische Bildung (1)
- politische Einstellung (1)
- politische Kultur (1)
- politische Urteilsbildung (1)
- polling (1)
- polycrisis (1)
- política ambiental comparada (1)
- pooling (1)
- populist radical right (1)
- post-conflict peace (1)
- post-development (1)
- post-new public management (1)
- power (1)
- precedent (1)
- principle of controversy (1)
- problem-solving (1)
- process design (1)
- process expertise (1)
- process tracing (1)
- procédure officielle (1)
- protection (1)
- protest (1)
- public administration (1)
- public health (1)
- public management (1)
- public opinion polls (1)
- public participation (1)
- public sector reform (1)
- public value (1)
- public values (1)
- qualitative Daten (1)
- qualitative content analysis (1)
- racism (1)
- radical (1)
- radicalization (1)
- rationalism (1)
- re-municipalization (1)
- rebel attacks (1)
- regime complexity (1)
- regional organizations (1)
- regulación estatal (1)
- regulation (1)
- renewable energy (1)
- representation (1)
- research (1)
- resilience (1)
- responsibility (1)
- restoration (1)
- restrictions to civil society (1)
- right parties and movements (1)
- right-wing politics (1)
- sanctions (1)
- sanctions committee (1)
- sanctions de l’ONU (1)
- scholar-practitioners (1)
- school book analysis (1)
- science (1)
- science & technology (1)
- second-order compliance (1)
- security–development nexus (1)
- selection (1)
- self-governance (1)
- set theory (1)
- social closure (1)
- social epistemology (1)
- social networking sites (1)
- soziale Schließung (1)
- state (1)
- state repression (1)
- state security (1)
- storytelling (1)
- structural change (1)
- subnationale Autonomie (1)
- survey (1)
- survey experiment (1)
- survival analysis (1)
- teaching (1)
- teaching concept (1)
- teaching tool (1)
- termination (1)
- territorial administration (1)
- trade-offs (1)
- transdisciplinarity (1)
- transition policy (1)
- treadmill of production (1)
- triple nexus (1)
- turnout (1)
- un-cancelling the future (1)
- vergleichende öffentliche Verwaltung (1)
- violence (1)
- vote choice (1)
- vote switching (1)
- voters (1)
- voting (1)
- voting potential (1)
- weo-weberian State (1)
- window of opportunity (1)
- world bank (1)
- world-makers (1)
- ÖVP (1)
- Öffentliche Verwaltung (1)
- öffentliche Meinung (1)
Institute
- Fachgruppe Politik- & Verwaltungswissenschaft (331) (remove)
Dieser Beitrag reflektiert und ergänzt die aktuelle Diskussion über die Empfehlungen des Wissenschaftsrats zur Weiterentwicklung der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir richten dabei den Blick auf die vom Wissenschaftsrat attestierten Schwachstellen im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden und erläutern ihre Auswirkungen auf Interdisziplinarität, Internationalität und Politikberatung der deutschen Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Wir argumentieren, unter Verweis auf den Bericht des Wissenschaftsrats, dass eine breitere Methodenausbildung und -kenntnis von großer Bedeutung für interdisziplinäre und internationale Zusammenarbeit, aber auch für die Politikberatung ist. Zukünftige Initiativen innerhalb der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung sollten die Methodenvielfalt des Forschungsbereichs angemessen berücksichtigen und einen besonderen Fokus auf die Ausbildung im Bereich empirisch-analytischer Methoden legen, um das Forschungsfeld in diesem Bereich zu stärken. Unser Beitrag entspringt einer Diskussion innerhalb des Arbeitskreises „Empirische Methoden der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung“ der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Friedens- und Konfliktforschung.
How do active learning environments—by means of simulations—enhance political science students’ learning outcomes regarding different levels of knowledge? This paper examines different UN simulations in political science courses to demonstrate their pedagogical value and provide empirical evidence for their effectiveness regarding three levels of knowledge (factual, procedural and soft skills). Despite comprehensive theoretical claims about the positive effects of active learning environments on learning outcomes, substantial empirical evidence is limited. Here, we focus on simulations to systematically test previous claims and demonstrate their pedagogical value. Model United Nations (MUNs) have been a popular teaching device in political science. To gain comprehensive data about the active learning effects of MUNs, we collect data and evaluate three simulations covering the whole range of simulation characteristics: a short in-class simulation of the UN Security Council, a regional MUN with different committees being simulated, and two delegations to the National Model United Nations, for which the students prepare for 1 year. Comparative results prove that simulations need to address certain characteristics in order to produce extensive learning outcomes. Only comprehensive simulations are able to achieve all envisioned learning outcomes regarding factual and procedural knowledge about the UN and soft skills.
From the international perspective, the peace process in Liberia has generally been described as a successful model for international peacebuilding interventions. But how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country? The aim of this paper is to complement an institutionalist approach looking at the security and justice mechanism in Liberia with some insights into local perceptions in order to answer the following question: how do Liberians perceive the peace process in their country and which institutions have been supportive for the establishment of sustaining peace? After briefly introducing the background of the Liberian conflict and the data collection, I present first results, analyzing the mechanism linking two peacebuilding institutions (peacekeeping and transitional justice) with the establishment of sustaining peace in Liberia.
What shapes peace, and how can peace be successfully built in those countries affected by armed conflict? This paper examines mpeacebuilding in the aftermath of civil wars in order to identify the conditions for post-conflict peace. The field of civil war research is
characterised by case studies, comparative analyses and quantitative research, which relate relatively little to each other. Furthermore, the complex dynamics of peacebuilding have hardly been investigated so far. Thus, the question remains of how best to enhance the prospects
of a stable peace in post-conflict societies. Therefore, it is necessary to capture the dynamics of post-conflict peace. This paper aims at helping to narrow these research gaps by 1) presenting the benefits of set theoretic methods for peace and conflict studies; 2) identifying remote conflict environment factors and proximate peacebuilding factors which have an influence on the peacebuilding process and 3) proposing a
set-theoretic multi-method research approach in order to identify the causal structures and mechanisms underlying the complex realm of post-conflict peacebuilding. By implementing this transparent and systematic comparative approach, it will become possible to discover
the dynamics of post-conflict peace.
This article investigates local perceptions of international peacebuilding in Sierra Leone and Liberia and explains the need for an inclusive framework addressing peace and justice at the same time. These neighbouring countries in West Africa not only share the burden of an intertwined conflict history but have also been described as prototypes for successful peacebuilding. However, both cases show striking differences with regard to the relative importance given to security and justice during the peace process and within the selected peacebuilding approaches. In Liberia, the peacebuilding framework was clearly sequenced, favouring security over justice. In Sierra Leone, it included a comprehensive TJ component, which was implemented alongside security-centred initiatives. In order to compare these two cases and to elaborate on the challenges of establishing both peace and justice in post-conflict settings with a more people-centred focus, we conducted expert interviews with (inter)national peacebuilding actors and opinion surveys, asking how the civilian populations themselves perceive the peace process and the effectiveness of international peacebuilding. The findings provide insights into local experiences with the inclusive peacebuilding framework implemented in Sierra Leone and the drawbacks of delaying justice and accountability in Liberia.
Why do exercises in collaborative governance often witness more impasse than advantage? This cumulative dissertation undertakes a micro-level analysis of collaborative governance to tackle this research puzzle. It situates micropolitics at the very center of analysis: a wide range of activities, interventions, and tactics used by actors – be they conveners, facilitators, or participants – to shape the collaborative exercise. It is by focusing on these daily minutiae, and on the consequences that they bring along, the study argues, that we can better understand why and how collaboration can become stuck or unproductive. To do so, the foundational part of this dissertation (Article 1) uses power as a sensitizing concept to investigate the micro-dynamics that shape collaboration. It develops an analytical approach to advance the study of collaborative governance at the empirical level under a power-sensitive and process-oriented perspective. The subsequent articles follow the dissertation's red thread of investigating the micropolitics of collaborative governance by showing facilitation artefacts' interrelatedness and contribution to the potential success or failure of collaborative arrangements (Article 2); and by examining the specialized knowledge, skills and practices mobilized when designing a collaborative process (Article 3). The work is based on an abductive research approach, tacking back and forth between empirical data and theory, and offers a repertoire of concepts – from analytical terms (designed and emerging interaction orders, flows of power, arenas for power), to facilitation practices (scripting, situating, and supervising) and types of knowledge (process expertise) – to illustrate and study the detailed and constant work (and rework) that surrounds collaborative arrangements. These concepts sharpen the way researchers can look at, observe, and understand collaborative processes at a micro level. The thesis thereby elucidates the subtleties of power, which may be overlooked if we focus only on outcomes rather than the processes that engender them, and supports efforts to identify potential sources of impasse.
This chapter operationalizes the three fundamental concepts of this study. It outlines what counts as authoritarian rule, it explains how to recognize dissent in non-democratic contexts, and it debates how to quantify repression in the shadow of the politicized discourse on human rights. First, the chapter opts to classify every political regime as authoritarian that fails to elect its executive or legislature in free and competitive elections. Second, the chapter proposes to see dissent through the lens of campaigns, i.e., series of connected contentious events that involve large-scale collective action and formulate far-reaching political demands. Finally, after some elaboration on the problems involved in measuring political repression reliably and validly, the chapter turns to rescaled versions of the Human Rights Protection Scores 2.04 and the V-Dem 6.2 political civil liberties index as indicators for violence and restrictions. This choice of indicators of repression is, finally, defended against three central objections: the separability of violence from restrictions, the so-called information paradox, and, finally, differences in the timing of violence and restrictions.
In der vorliegenden Arbeit liegt der Fokus auf jungen russischsprachigen Jüdinnen und Juden, deren Eltern in den 90er Jahren des 20 Jahrhunderts nach Deutschland eingewandert sind. Im Rahmen dieser Studie wird der Bildungsweg dieser MigrantInnengruppe und deren Erfahrungen in Deutschland aus der biographischen Perspektive nachvollzogen. Der Fokus wird insbesondere auf die biographischen Lebenserfahrungen gelegt, d.h. die allgemeinen Lebensumstände, Hürden und Schwierigkeiten, die die jungen russischsprachigen Jüdinnen und Juden in Deutschland überwinden mussten, um auf ihrem Bildungsweg an ihr Ziel zu kommen. Des Weiteren werden die Rolle des sozialen Umfelds auf die Auswahl ihres Bildungsweges sowie ihre Zugehörigkeit und ihr Beitrag zur deutschen Gesellschaft beleuchtet. Ein weiteres Hauptaugenmerk dieser Arbeit liegt auf den gesellschaftlichen, politischen und familiären Rahmenbedingungen, die den BiographInnen den Zugang zum Bildungsweg ermöglichten.
Die in der Arbeit formulierten Forschungsfragen wurden mithilfe der interpretativen Sozialforschung, genauer, der fallrekonstruktiven Auswertung nach Gabriele Rosenthal beantwortet.
Über den biographischen Verlauf der Lebensgeschichte der jungen russischsprachigen Jüdinnen und Juden wurde deutlich, dass die BiographInnen in die säkulare Gesellschaft gehen müssen, um ihren Bildungsweg erfolgreich zu gestalten. Dort erfahren sie einen sehr starken Antisemitismus und sind diesem schutzlos ausgeliefert. Bei allen drei Interviewten wurde diese Erfahrung in der Schule gemacht, an einem Ort, an dem sie Schutz erfahren sollten. Diesen Anfeindungen begegneten sie auf unterschiedliche Weise und sie entwickelten verschiedene Handlungsstrategien. Einige BiographInnen setzen sich auf der intellektuellen Ebene bewusst damit auseinander, andere wiederum versuchen, nicht hinzuschauen und es zu ignorieren.
Des Weiteren wurde als Resultat der Untersuchung in einigen Fällen ein übereinstimmendes, in anderen ein nicht übereinstimmendes Passungsverhältnis zwischen elterlichen Vorstellungen und den Bildungswegen der jungen russischsprachigen Jüdinnen und Juden gefunden.
Jointly with the Global North, the rise of the Global South has come at a high cost to the environment. Driven by its high energy intensity and the use of fossil fuels, the South has contributed a significant portion of global emissions during the last 30 years, and is now contributing some 63% of today's total GHG emissions (including land-use change and forestry). Similar to the Global North, the Global South's emissions are heavily concentrated: India and China alone account for some 60% and the top 10 countries for some 78% of the group's emissions, while some 120 countries account for only 22%. Without highlighting such differences, it makes little sense to use the term 'Global South'. Its members are affected differently, and contribute differently to global climate change. They neither share a common view, nor do they pursue joint interests when it comes to international climate negotiations. Instead, they are organised into more than a dozen subgroups of the global climate regime. There is no single climate strategy for the Global South, and climate action will differ enormously from country to country. Furthermore, just and equitable transitions may be particularly challenging for some countries.
To ensure political survival, autocrats must prevent popular rebellion, and political repression is a means to that end. However, autocrats face threats from both the inside and the outside of the center of power. They must avoid popular rebellion and at the same time share power with strategic actors who enjoy incentive to challenge established power-sharing arrangements whenever repression is ordered. Can autocrats turn repression in a way that allows trading one threat off against the other? This chapter first argues that prior research offers scant insight on that question because it relies on umbrella concepts and questionable measurements of repression. Next, the chapter disaggregates repression into restrictions and violence and reflects on their drawbacks. Citizens adapt to the restriction of political civil liberties, and violence backfires against its originators. Hence, restrictions require enforcement, and violence requires moderation. When interpreted as complements, it becomes clear that restrictions and violence have the potential to compensate for their respective weaknesses. The complementarity between violence and restrictions turns political repression into a valuable addition to the authoritarian toolkit. The chapter concludes with an application of these ideas to the twin problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing.
Does complementarity between restrictions and violence stabilize authoritarian power-sharing in the face of popular rebellion? Scholars widely concur that the central political conflict in authoritarian regimes plays out between people on the inside of the regime. This chapter adds to the debate and studies coup attempts in light of two interconnected hypotheses. First, violence against campaigns destabilizes power-sharing because it exposes a weak leadership. Second, this adverse effect of violence declines as the routine level of restrictions increases, because restrictions act as a sorting mechanism for uncompromising political opposition. Both hypotheses are tested using Bayesian multilevel statistical analysis on a data set of 253 coup attempts in 198 authoritarian regimes between 1949 and 2007. This study design allows separation of repression’s time-dependent effects from its context effects, and it demonstrates the value of Bayesian methods for studying rare political phenomena such as coups d’état. The chapter’s conclusion, however, is straightforward: Once citizens form campaigns, repression can only deteriorate the situation because it opens a frontline right at the center of authoritarian rule.
Campaigns against authoritarian rule trigger the problems of authoritarian control and power-sharing. Hence, autocrats cannot ignore campaigns, but can they repress them? This chapter hypothesizes that restrictions and violence do just that—if those forms of political repression complement each other. Each variant of political repression has drawbacks: Restrictions dampen, but they do not eliminate interdependent behavior; violence imposes high individual costs on dissent, but it frequently backfires against its originators. Complementarity asserts that those drawbacks matter less when both variants of repression work in tandem. Statistical analysis of 50 campaigns distributed across 112 authoritarian regimes between 1977 and 2001 yields mixed support for the argument. Based on a binary probit model with sample selection correction, the analysis adds a preemptive and a reactive aspect to political repression. The results imply that complementarity matters as long as repression preempts campaigns, but not when it reacts to them. Moreover, once citizens knock at the palace gates, restrictions turn futile. Finally, violence reduces the outlook for successful resistance against authoritarian rule, but it also backfires at all times—preemptive and reactive. By implication, political repression thwarts successful resistance today, but it breeds more resistance tomorrow.
Einleitung
(2022)
China und Humboldt
(2022)
Vor 50 Jahren nahmen China und Deutschland diplomatische Beziehungen auf. Das ist der Anlass für diesen Sammelband. Er umfasst chinesische und deutsche Autoren und gibt dem deutschen Publikum profunde Einblicke in die aktuellen Entwicklungen in China und die chinesische Diplomatie auf den verschiedenen Feldern der Weltpolitik. Sie vermitteln chinesische Weltsichten, die hierzulande wahrgenommen und respektiert werden sollten. In einer Zeit, in der auch das Verhältnis zwischen China und Deutschland schwieriger ist, ist es wichtig, offen für das Andere zu sein.
Many international bureaucracies give policy advice to national administrative units. Why is the advice given by some international bureaucracies more influential than the recommendations of others? We argue that targeting advice to member states through national embeddedness and country-tailored research increases the influence of policy advice. Subsequently, we test how these characteristics shape the relative influence of 15 international bureaucracies' advice in four financial policy areas through a global survey of national administrations from more than 80 countries. Our findings support arguments that global blueprints need to be adapted and translated to become meaningful for country-level work. <br /> Points for practitioners <br /> National administrations are advised by an increasing number of international bureaucracies, and they cannot listen to all of this advice. Whereas some international bureaucracies give 'one-size-fits-all' recommendations to rather diverse countries, others cater their recommendations to the national audience. Investigating financial policy recommendations, we find that national embeddedness and country-tailored advice render international bureaucracies more influential.
Expert authority is regarded as the heart of international bureaucracies' power. To measure whether international bureaucracies' expert authority is indeed recognised and deferred to, we draw on novel data from a survey of a key audience: officials in the policy units of national ministries in 121 countries. Respondents were asked to what extent they recognised the expert authority of nine international bureaucracies in various thematic areas of agricultural and financial policy. The results show wide variance. To explain this variation, we test well-established assumptions on the sources of de facto expert authority. Specifically, we look at ministry officials' perceptions of these sources and, thus, focus on a less-studied aspect of the authority relationship. We examine the role of international bureaucracies' perceived impartiality, objectivity, global impact, and the role of knowledge asymmetries. Contrary to common assumptions, we find that de facto expert authority does not rest on impartiality perceptions, and that perceived objectivity plays the smallest role of all factors considered. We find some indications that knowledge asymmetries are associated with more expert authority. Still, and robust to various alternative specifications, the perception that international bureaucracies are effectively addressing global challenges is the most important factor.
Moderne Bürgerreligion
(2011)
This thesis is analyzing multiple coordination challenges which arise with the digital transformation of public administration in federal systems, illustrated by four case studies in Germany. I make various observations within a multi-level system and provide an in-depth analysis. Theoretical explanations from both federalism research and neo-institutionalism are utilized to explain the findings of the empirical driven work. The four articles evince a holistic picture of the German case and elucidate its role as a digital government laggard. Their foci range from macro, over meso to micro level of public administration, differentiating between the governance and the tool dimension of digital government.
The first article shows how multi-level negotiations lead to expensive but eventually satisfying solutions for the involved actors, creating a subtle balance between centralization and decentralization. The second article identifies legal, technical, and organizational barriers for cross-organizational service provision, highlighting the importance of inter-organizational and inter-disciplinary exchange and both a common language and trust. Institutional change and its effects on the micro level, on citizens and the employees in local one-stop shops, mark the focus of the third article, bridging the gap between reforms and the administrative reality on the local level. The fourth article looks at the citizens’ perspective on digital government reforms, their expectations, use and satisfaction. In this vein, this thesis provides a detailed account of the importance of understanding the digital divide and therefore the necessity of reaching out to different recipients of digital government reforms. I draw conclusions from the factors identified as causes for Germany’s shortcomings for other federal systems where feasible and derive reform potential therefrom. This allows to gain a new perspective on digital government and its coordination challenges in federal contexts.
Editorial
(2017)
Conclusion
(2016)
This chapter revisits the role of the new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood. First, it states that there is no linear relationship between degrees of statehood and the overall effectiveness of new modes of sustainability governance. Second, the chapter states that, in most of the cases, national governments are hesitant or even actively hamper the development of new modes of governance. Third, it shows that the absence of the shadow of hierarchy can indeed lead to ineffective new modes of governance. However, the shadow of hierarchy does not necessarily need to be cast by states. Finally, the author reviews the complexities involved in participatory practices, stressing the importance of institutional structures and knowledgeable brokers. The chapter concludes by outlining fields for future research.
This chapter investigates the trajectory of establishing the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) in the early 1990s as the first private transnational certification organization with an antagonistic stakeholder body. Its main contribution is a micro-analysis of the founding assembly in 1993. By investigating the role of brokers within the negotiation as one institutional scope condition for ‘arguing’ having occurred, the chapter adopts a dramaturgical approach. It contends that the authority of brokers is not necessarily institutionally given, but needs to be gained: brokers have to prove situationally that their knowledge is relevant and that they are speaking impartially in the interest of progress rather than their own. The chapter stresses the importance of procedural knowledge which brokers provide in contrast to policy knowledge.
Introduction
(2016)
The Paris Agreement for Climate Change or the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on new modes of governance for implementation. Indeed, new modes of governance such as market-based instruments, public-private partnerships or multi-stakeholder initiatives have been praised for playing a pivotal role in effective and legitimate sustainability governance. Yet, do they also deliver in areas of limited statehood? States such as Malaysia or the Dominican Republic partly lack the ability to implement and enforce rules; their statehood is limited. This introduction provides the analytical framework of this volume and critically examines the performance of new modes of governance in areas of limited statehood, drawing on the book’s in-depth case studies on issues of climate change, biodiversity, and health.
This chapter takes stock with the research on the authority of international organizations (IOs) and international public administrations (IPAs) in the fields of International Relations (IR) and Public Administration (PA). It combines arguments from conceptual and theoretical debates with empirical findings to explore under which conditions IPAs are likely to enjoy authority. Based on a review of the literature and on conceptual clarifications, we define authority as a social relationship between holders and granters of authority. We distinguish two types of authority, namely, political and expert authority, and two forms of recognition, namely, in practice (de facto) and by formal delegation (de jure). Given that the de facto expert authority of IPAs has received least attention in the literature, while the PA literature reminds us that knowledge lies at the heart of bureaucratic power, we develop propositions on how de facto expert authority could be measured and how the anticipated variation of expert authority among IPAs could be explained. We illustrate our argument with reference to empirical findings in the IR and PA literature. We conclude by highlighting the implications of our discussion for future research on the authority of national and IPAs.
In this paper, we have two goals. First, we argue for a blueprint for hermeneutical injustice that allows us to schematize existing and discover new varieties of hermeneutical injustices. The underlying insight is that Fricker provides both a general concept of hermeneutical injustice and a specific conception thereof. By distinguishing between the general concept and its specific conceptions, we gain a fruitful tool to detect such injustices in our everyday lives. Second, we use this blueprint to provide a further example of hermeneutical injustice that draws our attention to yet another distinction: Some hermeneutical injustices result from a lack or distortion in the collective conceptual resource and some are due to problems in the application of existing concepts. We argue that to combat hermeneutical injustices, we have to make sure not only that individuals have accurate concepts at their disposal but that they have the capabilities to use these concepts adequately.
The recently adopted German Online Access Act triggered the creation of digitalization labs for designing digital services, bringing together federal, state, and local authorities; end-users; and private-sector actors. These labs provide opportunities for boundary spanning due to organizational field and lab features. Our comparative case studies on three digitalization labs show variations in boundary spanning and reveal lab members de-coupling from their parent organizations to a varying extent. We have concluded labs offer boundary spanning that supports safeguarding the legitimacy of innovative policy designs but also raise concerns over public accountability.
Coping, taming or solving
(2017)
One of the truisms of policy analysis is that policy problems are rarely solved. As an ever-increasing number of policy issues are identified as an inherently ill-structured and intractable type of wicked problem, the question of what policy analysis sets out to accomplish has emerged as more central than ever. If solving wicked problems is beyond reach, research on wicked problems needs to provide a clearer understanding of the alternatives. The article identifies and explicates three distinguishable strategies of problem governance: coping, taming and solving. It shows that their intellectual premises and practical implications clearly contrast in core respects. The article argues that none of the identified strategies of problem governance is invariably more suitable for dealing with wicked problems. Rather than advocate for some universally applicable approach to the governance of wicked problems, the article asks under what conditions different ways of governing wicked problems are analytically reasonable and normatively justified. It concludes that a more systematic assessment of alternative approaches of problem governance requires a reorientation of the debate away from the conception of wicked problems as a singular type toward the more focused analysis of different dimensions of problem wickedness.
Politisches Denken
(2022)
Berufswelt
(2022)
Einleitung
(2022)
Young citizens
(2022)
A growing number of expert organizations aim to provide knowledge for global environmental policy-making. Recently, there have also been explicit calls for stakeholder engagement at the global level to make scientific knowledge relevant and usable on the ground. The newly established Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES) is one of the first international expert organizations to have systematically developed a strategy for stakeholder engagement in its own right. In this article, we analyze the emergence of this strategy. Employing the concept politics of legitimation, we examine how and for what reasons stakeholder engagement was introduced, justified, and finally endorsed, as well as its effects. The article explores the process of institutionalizing stakeholder engagement, as well as reconstructing the contestation of the operative norms (membership, tasks, and accountability) regulating the rules for this engagement. We conclude by discussing the broader importance of the findings for IPBES, as well as for international expert organizations in general.
This paper is concerned with the normative underpinnings of popular sustainability indicators and country rankings. Attempts to quantify national sustainability in the form of composite indicators and rankings have increased rapidly over past decades. However, questions regarding validity and interpretability remain. This article combines theoretical and statistical tools to explore how input variables in five popular sustainability indicators can be related to different theoretical paradigms: weak and strong sustainability. It is shown that differences in theoretical interpretations affect input variable selection, which in turn affects indicator output. This points towards the risk of indicators becoming a sort of ‘circular argumentation construct’. The article argues that sustainability indicators and country rankings must be treated as theoretical just as much as statistical instruments. It is proposed that making underlying normative assumptions explicit, and making input variable selection more clear in a theoretical sense, can enhance indicator validity and usability for policy makers and researchers alike.
Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to discuss different approaches of performance measurement and benchmarking as reflexive institutions for local governments in England, Germany and Sweden from a comparative perspective.
Design/methodology/approach
These three countries have been selected because they represent typical (most different) cases of European local government systems and reforms. The existing theories on institutional reflexivity point to the potential contribution of benchmarking to public sector innovation and organizational learning. Based on survey findings, in-depth case studies, interviews and document analyses in these three countries, the paper addresses the major research question as to what extent and why benchmarking regimes vary across countries. It derives hypotheses about the impacts of benchmarking on institutional learning and innovation.
Findings
The outcomes suggest that the combination of three key features of benchmarking, namely - obligation, sanctions and benchmarking authority - in conjunction with country-specific administrative context conditions and local actor constellations - influences the impact of benchmarking as a reflexive institution.
Originality/value
It is shown in the paper that compulsory benchmarking on its own does not lead to reflexivity and learning, but that there is a need for autonomy and leeway for local actors to cope with benchmarking results. These findings are relevant because policy makers must decide upon the specific governance mix of benchmarking exercises taking their national and local contexts into account if they want them to promote institutional learning and innovation.
Sub-municipal units (SMUs) in Germany differ in German Länder. In Berlin, Hamburg and München Metropole Districts fulfill a number of quasi-municipal self-government rights and functions. They have their own budget and strong councils, as well as mayors. In all other Länder, most sub-municipal councils were subordinated under the municipal council and directly elected mayor heading the administration. SMUs were introduced as a kind of compensation with different territorial reforms in the 1970s. Although directly elected, sub-municipal councilors are weak, and their advisory role competes with other newly established advisory boards. Here the focus remains on traffic and town planning. Some sub-municipal councils fulfill smaller administrative functions and become more relevant and important in recent decentralization strategies of neighborhood development.
Foreword
(2018)
In recent decades, a wave of administrative reforms has changed local governance in many European countries. However, our knowledge about differences as well as similarities between the countries, driving forces, impacts, perceptions, and evaluation of these reforms is still limited. In the chapter, the authors give an overview about mayors’ perceptions and evaluations of two major reform trajectories: (a) re-organisation of local service delivery and (b) internal administrative/managerial reforms. Furthermore, differences between (groups of) countries as well as similarities among them are shown in these two fields of administrative reform. Finally, the authors tried to identify explanatory factors for specific perceptions of administrative reforms at the local level.
Conservation nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) are often involved in the design and implementation of global forest management initiatives such as the REDD+, which currently is being rolled out by the UNFCCC, the UN-REDD Programme and the World Bank as part of efforts to mitigate climate change. Nigeria joined the UN-REDD in 2010 and submitted its REDD+ readiness proposal in 2011. The proposal has a national component and subnational forestry activities in the Cross River State (CRS) as the pilot site. This chapter examines the involvement of local NGOs in the CRS consultative participatory meetings to validate the Nigeria-REDD proposal. It shows that political representation of local communities in the validation exercise was through customary authorities and NGOs who claim to speak for and are recognised as advocates for the communities. Local government authorities, the substantive political representatives of local communities were left out of the process. The chapter also shows how the CRS Forestry Commission, which organised the validation exercise, used NGOs as pawns to legitimise it, and how these NGOs were powerless to challenge the Forestry Commission. In contrast, local governments, the third tier of government and political authority routinely disrespected by state-level administrators, regularly challenge such higher level government actors in the courts and the national legislature. Thus, local NGOs may speak and work for local social development but compared to the substantive political representatives at the local level (e.g., local government authorities), local NGOs have limited resources to challenge the political shenanigans of the state.
The collaboration during the modeling process is uncomfortable and characterized by various limitations. Faced with the successful transfer of first process modeling languages to the augmented world, non-transparent processes can be visualized in a more comprehensive way. With the aim to rise comfortability, speed, accuracy and manifoldness of real world process augmentations, a framework for the bidirectional interplay of the common process modeling world and the augmented world has been designed as morphologic box. Its demonstration proves the working of drawn AR integrations. Identified dimensions were derived from (1) a designed knowledge construction axiom, (2) a designed meta-model, (3) designed use cases and (4) designed directional interplay modes. Through a workshop-based survey, the so far best AR modeling configuration is identified, which can serve for benchmarks and implementations.