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Institute
With the new government, coming to power in 1998, a new emphasis on development cooperation as part of a global strategy for structural change was launched. Since then the federal minister for development cooperation – Heidemarie Wieczorek- Zeul – presented some interesting strategic papers under the label "aid as a global policy to overcome structural blockades to social progress and development". Special emphasis was put on the Program of Action for Poverty Reduction and on the strategy paper of a new Africa policy, but neither are concrete results yet in sight nor is an answer to the burning question of what to do with half of all African countries not having a long-term perspective for development at all (the "failing states" etc.). The article shows the great discrepancy between the impressive political rhetoric and the meager budget to cope with the many challenges of the poor developing countries in Africa. The new concept of the enlarged security intends to stabilize the structural conditions for social and economic development. In order to realize this aim, the article proposes a link between public expenditures on military measures for security and such on civil measures for structural security. Finally the article asks how development cooperation can influence the political attitudes of state and society in Africa in the direction of good governance and structural reforms.
Two years after the end of the "hot war" in Kosovo, the situation on the Balkans remains extremely tense. The West embraced the illusion to provide the Kosovo-Albanians with conditions for a substantial autonomy under the umbrella of an international protectorate. The Kosovo-Albanians considered the substantial autonomy as a milestone on their way to independence, while a new Yugoslav-Serbian administration counted on regaining sovereign rights in Kosovo. The escalation of the crisis provided a fresh impetus for new expectations regarding the national question. The claim to separate Kosovo from Yugoslavia had been strengthened. The Albanian role in this process remained ambiguous. Albania has to be considered as an actor and an object, and it perceives its national geopolitical and security interests as affected by the process in Kosovo. Tirana's political orientation is strongly moving towards the Euro-Atlantic community, yet hegemonic interests vis-à-vis Kosovo might play an important role besides Tirana's own limited political influence over the developments in Kosovo.
The "Forum" of WeltTrends No. 32 assembles sixteen analyses of the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, written by distinguished scholars from Germany, Britain, France, the U.S., the Czech Republic, Russia and China. The contributions deal with topics such as international and domestic security, the social and political causes of terrorism, international law, asylum policy, the classification of the attacks as crimes or acts of war, implications for international bodies such as NATO and the UN, and the effect of the attacks on the relationship between the U.S., Europe, Russia, and Asia, in particular Japan and China. The authors counsel strongly against scare mongering and short-term symbolic politics. Any attempt to deal with the complex problem of terrorism has to include long-term political and social policies aimed at the reduction of conflict and sources of political extremism in the Middle Eastern region. There is no reason for panic according to the authors but international politics after September 11th cannot go on like before.
Since 1990, ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) candidate countries have become contractually linked to the EU by Europe Agreements in the context of a prudently managed political process of pre-accession preparation and accession negotiations. This article discusses the implementation of EU law in these countries, observing changing attitudes to law, legal behaviour and judicial law control. The author argues that the approximation of legislation in the CEE countries will be achieved much faster than the incorporation of these laws into social practice. Thus, a gap between the formal fulfilment of accession requirements and the application of new EC laws will emerge. The consequences for the enlarged European Community could either be a considerably delayed "pulling up" or a dangerous "pulling down" scenario.
"Copernican" is the term the author is calling the turn in present Islamism. After a mostly failed fundamentalist reaction to a high-speed westernisation, there are current debates among Islamists to find an own identity - based on Islam and connected with Western values. Aim of these efforts is to link Islam with the contemporary realities in the Arabian world.
On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the Warsaw treaty’s signing, Egon Bahr, the intellectual father of the German Ostpolitik, describes his courageous efforts at that time. The aim of this politics was to gain space for strengthening own peace and security in Europe. Irrefutable principles of the policy of that time were non-aggression and the recognition of the borders. Going back to these principles, Egon Bahr redefines Germany’s future foreign policy too. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Diese Arbeit untersucht die Hypothese inwieweit EU/ESVP und NATO sich in einem Konkurrenzkampf befinden. Dabei werden mehrere Dimensionen beleuchtet. Der zeitliche Aspekt, der organisatorische, der ideengeschichtliche und die spezielle Situation im Politikfeld Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik. Auf Grundlage dieser Parameter wird eine Einschätzung bezüglich der aufgestellten These für die Gegenwart vorgenommen, sowie eine Strategieempfehlung für die nähere Zukunft gemacht.
Deutschland und Polen bedürfen eines erneuerten strategischen Kontextes für ihre partnerschaftlichen Beziehungen. Die unterschiedlichen Haltungen zu Militäreinsätzen sind durch historische Erfahrungen bestimmt. Falls die schwarz-rote Koalition für Deutschland wieder die Rolle des euro-atlantischen Vermittlers übernimmt, wird sich das positiv auf die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen auswirken.
Das europäische Verfassungsprojekt scheiterte an ungünstigen innenpolitischen Umständen. Nun weitet sich der halbherzige Ratifizierungsprozess zu einer Orientierungskrise aus, die auch durch den „Plan D“ der Brüsseler Kommission nicht aufgefangen werden kann. Kernpunkte des Verfassungsentwurfs sollten 2009 erneut zur Diskussion gestellt und in einem paneuropäischen Referendum zur Abstimmung gebracht werden.
The German Ostpolitik of the Red-Green government between 1998 and 2005 focused particularly on the autocratic Russia. It mostly ignored the other – democratic – states in Central and Eastern Europe. Since this policy failed to improve the stability in the region, a policy change is necessary. Regional stability can only be based on the equal cooperation of democratic states. Germany should therefore intensify her support for the democratic forces in the region and integrate her policy into a common Ostpolitik within the EU.
This article discusses the complex relationship between the state and the military in Latin American societies. Defining the state in Latin America as a weak one, it contains a typology of the different roles played by the military in the 20th century. In this context, the ambivalent impact of the USA as well as the search of the Latin American military for “new tasks” since the 1990s is discussed. The article concludes with the challenges for civil-military relations in the current democratic regimes in Latin America.
The United States, despite impressive efforts, have not reduced Colombian drug supplies over the recent years. Policy ineffectiveness results from problems in Colombia, including poverty, strong non-state actors, as well as a weak state and society. On the US side, ineffectiveness results from a geographically selective approach, a reliance on coercion, and bilateralism. The US has exacerbated human rights violations, environmental destruction, the displacement of the drug industry within Colombia, and the spread of Colombian problems to neighbouring countries.
Beginning with the year 2000, the political society of South Korea has undergone a development towards more transparency. The increasing emergence of civil organizations as well as their new-orientation favoured the development of an alternative “online-public” which tries to mediate between the public’s interests and the state. The influence of this online-public, who profits from the fast and various ways of communication via internet, is best shown by some successful examples of online-action in the economic and the political sector. This gives credence to Dick Morris’ postulated rise of the internet to be the “fifth power” of the state.
The authors analyze the reasons for the establishment of a regulatory regime for international financial markets in accordance with the ideas of liberal internationalism. They argue that the system of international markets is affected by polymorphy, indicating the existence of different forms of regulation. Five factors produce this polymorphy: the non-existence of a homogenous object of steering, the dynamic nature of these objects, the fact that the purpose of governance is not clearly defined, the dominance of governance by the USA and Great Britain, and governance as a result of a multi-level game with various coalitions.
German foreign policy is in the midst of a far-reaching transformation. Contrary to disciplinary expectations, this process is neither properly captured by descriptions in the liberal tradition („Europeanisation“, „Civilian Power“) nor by Realist expectations that Germany is doomed to „remilitarise“ and/or „renationalise“. However, the key term of foreign policy discourse, „normalisation“, is an unmistakable code, signalling a rediscovery of traditional Realpolitik practices which fit Germany’s current environment. The paper argues that rather than merely playing the role of an obedient disciple of Realpolitik socialisers, Germany ought to rehabilitate the foreign policy tradition of the Bonn Republic in support of an active Idealpolitik transformation of its environment. The article serves as a starting point for a debate on German foreign policy in the upcoming issues of WeltTrends.
This article investigates the fictional narratives written by „Sub-commandante Marcos“ of the Zapatista movement EZLN. It is shown that Marcos uses three distinct frames of reference in his fictional account of the Zapatista guerrilla: an ethnic, a national and a post-national one. Contrary to other studies that emphasize the harmony between the three levels, it can be argued that there exists a fundamental tension between them. There is a tension between the ethnic discourse and the Mexican nationalist discourse which envisions a nation rather than a nation dominated by a single ethno-cultural group. Finally, it can be deduced from these tensions that the EZLN guerrilla is subject to divergent pressures.
Borders are a main characteristic of political entities. The separation from and the interactions with the outside environment are realised simultaenously. This is now heavily questioned in the European Union as „the first post-modern political entity“ (Ruggie). Within the EU we have observed a process of „de-bordering“ and growing transborder cooperation. Simultaneously, the question of the external border of the EU is raised as a political and mental issue. Deepening of the present EU leads to the fostering of the external borders - this is the lesson of the last 10 years. This can be also observed at the EU’s Eastern border - after the „first Eastern enlargement“ in the context of German reunification in 1990 - to the Oder/Neisse. The article discusses the historic developments and specific challenges of this border line and argues for cooperative external borders of the EU.
Hegemonialmächte im Vorderen und Mittleren Orient : die Dritte Partei in internationalen Konflikten
(1997)
During the last five decades hegemons played an important role in de-escalating international conflicts in the subregion defined as the core of Oriens Islamicus. Statistical analysis of large datasets shows that half of all conflicts remained without any interference from the hegemonial powers at all - both on global scale and in the subregion. In all other cases however, hegemons (especially super-powers in the role of patrons) tended more often to act as (power-) mediators when their client-state was engaged in conflict with a client of the opposing superpower in Oriens Islamicus than they did on global scale. They did this in their own interest in order to avoid direct involvement, i.e. possible danger of a nuclear escalation. In contrast to conventional mediation theory they were more effective in conflict de-escalation than other mediators, especially in conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbours. The end of bipolarity in the international system also brought this mechanism of de-escalation to an end. It leaves the hegemon(s) as a potentially powerful third party on the one hand, but on the other their inclination to become involved in regional conflict remains rather diminished as long as the basic national interests in the area are not at stake.
Im ersten Abschnitt dieses Artikels wird ein knapper Überblick über das Spektrum der in Deutschland eingerichteten Bioethik-Kommissionen gegeben. Damit die unterschiedlichen institutionellen Anbindungsmöglichkeiten deutlich werden, muß zwischen einer "lokalen", einer "föderalen" und einer "nationalen" Institutionalisierungsebene differenziert werden (I). Im zweiten Schritt sollen einige wichtige Kriterien zur Unterscheidung verschiedener Kommissionstypen kenntlich werden. Hier werden vor allem die drei Aspekte "politische Legitimation", "personelle Zusammensetzung" und "zeitliche Ausrichtung" zentral sein (II). Im Schlußabschnitt werden zunächst die wichtigsten Kritikpunkte rekapituliert, die in der einschlägigen Literatur zum Thema diskutiert werden. Am Ende soll dann kurz zur Andeutung kommen, wie den Bedenken gegen eine wachsende "Kommissionierung" bzw. Institutionalisierung biopolitischer Diskussionsprozesse zu begegnen wäre (III).
Diese Arbeit behandelt die Frage, welche Auswirkungen eine EU-Mitgliedschaft der Türkei auf die europäischen Sicherheitsbeziehungen haben würde. Es wird die sicherheitspolitische Situation in- und außerhalb der türkischen Staatsgrenzen analysiert. Auf Basis der Rational Choice Theorie vom Akteurzentrierten Institutionalismus wird gezeigt mit welchen Herausforderungen die Europäische Union konfrontiert wäre und die Frage behandelt, ob eine so genannte Privilegierte Partnerschaft eine mögliche Alternative zu einer Vollmitgliedschaft sein kann.