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This introduction provides an overview of feminist approaches to International Relations. The authors compare the Anglo-American debate with the Germanspeaking discussion in order to reveal similarities and differences. They identify three particular areas of research that characterize the German-speaking feminist debate in International Relations: (1) works evolving out of peace studies; (2) research on globalization and international economic institutions; (3) studies focusing on women’s movements together with most current works centering around international norms. They argue that feminist approaches to norms constitute a particularly promising research area which provides new "tools" to account for international, regional or domestic policy-change. Gender-sensitive research on norms also allows to address ethical questions that are vital for feminist understandings of science. Moreover, this new focus on norms enables bridge-building between feminism and the mainstream.
On the occasion of his farewell lecture, Manfred Mols looks back to his academic work of the last four decades, and discusses the essential meaning of area studies. He tries to clarify the important denotation of institutes for regional researchers. Area studies should help us to understand changing processes in international policies and they do. He underlines his critical point of view with the position and treatment of area studies among certain universities in Germany.
This article is a reply to a statement by Elke Schwinger in WeltTrends 31. The author tries to strike the balance between "coming to terms with the past" and the role of criminal law in this process in Germany. The principle of prohibition of retroactive laws, fixed in the 1990 German Unification Treaty and in the Constitution, had been broken in the trials against the "Mauerschützen" (border guards) in German criminal courts since 1990. There is an artificially constructed past which does not correspond to the reality of the border regime before 1989. The author underlines that today the criminal law is misused for political aims within the German unification process.
The question of use or non-use of nuclear weapons has suddenly got new prominence as part of the search for an effective strategy against international terrorism. This dispute is not new. Within the deterrence strategy, American and NATO nuclear weapons policy over the years shifted from massive retaliation over flexible response towards nuclearweapons only as a last resort. In the multilateral framework, deliberations have focussed on positive and negative assurances for non-nuclear weapons states. The International Court of Justice, in its Advisory Opinion, considers the use of nuclear weapons as generally contrary to the rules of international law. Today, there are strong indications that the U.S. is moving towards giving nuclear weapons a war-fighting role. For future wars, the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used would grow considerably.
"Small wars" will play an increasing role in the conflict scenarios of the 21st century, at the expense of inter-state wars. One of the key features of future war is the difficult differentiation between civilian and military targets, between combatants and noncombatants. It is argued that the parallel (and competing) structures of both states and non-state actors using force openly and equally will be a permanent feature of international security policy in the 21st century. This development is tantamount to the dissolution of the monopoly on the legitimate use of force by the states. The state-centered system of international relations has been a distinctive hallmark of the modern period. It is bound to give way, however, to the parallel and competing structures of state actors and non-state actors which was a central attribute of the Middle Ages. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Two years after the end of the "hot war" in Kosovo, the situation on the Balkans remains extremely tense. The West embraced the illusion to provide the Kosovo-Albanians with conditions for a substantial autonomy under the umbrella of an international protectorate. The Kosovo-Albanians considered the substantial autonomy as a milestone on their way to independence, while a new Yugoslav-Serbian administration counted on regaining sovereign rights in Kosovo. The escalation of the crisis provided a fresh impetus for new expectations regarding the national question. The claim to separate Kosovo from Yugoslavia had been strengthened. The Albanian role in this process remained ambiguous. Albania has to be considered as an actor and an object, and it perceives its national geopolitical and security interests as affected by the process in Kosovo. Tirana's political orientation is strongly moving towards the Euro-Atlantic community, yet hegemonic interests vis-à-vis Kosovo might play an important role besides Tirana's own limited political influence over the developments in Kosovo.
With the new government, coming to power in 1998, a new emphasis on development cooperation as part of a global strategy for structural change was launched. Since then the federal minister for development cooperation – Heidemarie Wieczorek- Zeul – presented some interesting strategic papers under the label "aid as a global policy to overcome structural blockades to social progress and development". Special emphasis was put on the Program of Action for Poverty Reduction and on the strategy paper of a new Africa policy, but neither are concrete results yet in sight nor is an answer to the burning question of what to do with half of all African countries not having a long-term perspective for development at all (the "failing states" etc.). The article shows the great discrepancy between the impressive political rhetoric and the meager budget to cope with the many challenges of the poor developing countries in Africa. The new concept of the enlarged security intends to stabilize the structural conditions for social and economic development. In order to realize this aim, the article proposes a link between public expenditures on military measures for security and such on civil measures for structural security. Finally the article asks how development cooperation can influence the political attitudes of state and society in Africa in the direction of good governance and structural reforms.
The aftermath of September 11th is again subject of discussion in the forum of this Winter edition of WeltTrends. Besides scholars from Poland and Germany, wellknown politicians from all parties represented in the Bundestag deal with questions that arise from the brutal attacks of Islamic terrorism in the Western world. There is a wide consensus that conflicts in regions of crises such as the Middle East have to be solved first before peace can be established. More or less constructive suggestions were made concerning the role of Euro-Atlantic institutions. International efforts under the jurisdiction of the UN will have to be strengthened in order to install democratic structures in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Most of the opinions, ideas and impressions represented here have in common that they give an outlook of what will keep the daily political life busy for the next few years.
On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the Warsaw treaty’s signing, Egon Bahr, the intellectual father of the German Ostpolitik, describes his courageous efforts at that time. The aim of this politics was to gain space for strengthening own peace and security in Europe. Irrefutable principles of the policy of that time were non-aggression and the recognition of the borders. Going back to these principles, Egon Bahr redefines Germany’s future foreign policy too. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
"Copernican" is the term the author is calling the turn in present Islamism. After a mostly failed fundamentalist reaction to a high-speed westernisation, there are current debates among Islamists to find an own identity - based on Islam and connected with Western values. Aim of these efforts is to link Islam with the contemporary realities in the Arabian world.
Since 1990, ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) candidate countries have become contractually linked to the EU by Europe Agreements in the context of a prudently managed political process of pre-accession preparation and accession negotiations. This article discusses the implementation of EU law in these countries, observing changing attitudes to law, legal behaviour and judicial law control. The author argues that the approximation of legislation in the CEE countries will be achieved much faster than the incorporation of these laws into social practice. Thus, a gap between the formal fulfilment of accession requirements and the application of new EC laws will emerge. The consequences for the enlarged European Community could either be a considerably delayed "pulling up" or a dangerous "pulling down" scenario.
The "Forum" of WeltTrends No. 32 assembles sixteen analyses of the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, written by distinguished scholars from Germany, Britain, France, the U.S., the Czech Republic, Russia and China. The contributions deal with topics such as international and domestic security, the social and political causes of terrorism, international law, asylum policy, the classification of the attacks as crimes or acts of war, implications for international bodies such as NATO and the UN, and the effect of the attacks on the relationship between the U.S., Europe, Russia, and Asia, in particular Japan and China. The authors counsel strongly against scare mongering and short-term symbolic politics. Any attempt to deal with the complex problem of terrorism has to include long-term political and social policies aimed at the reduction of conflict and sources of political extremism in the Middle Eastern region. There is no reason for panic according to the authors but international politics after September 11th cannot go on like before.
Die Politikfeldanalyse der belgischen Frauenförderpolitik für die Privatwirtschaft wird anhand eines Analyserasters für Gleichstellungspolitik durchgeführt. Nach einer Einführung in das politische System Belgiens und die gesellschaftspolitischen Bedingungen für Gleichstellungspolitik wird die staatliche Initivative für Gleichstellung in der Privatwirtschaft dargestellt. Die Analyse der Policy bezieht die relevanten politischen, verwaltungstechnischen und gesellschaftlichen Faktoren ein und nutzt Analyseinstrumente der Verwaltungswissenschaft und der feministischen Politikwissenschaft.
Borders are a main characteristic of political entities. The separation from and the interactions with the outside environment are realised simultaenously. This is now heavily questioned in the European Union as „the first post-modern political entity“ (Ruggie). Within the EU we have observed a process of „de-bordering“ and growing transborder cooperation. Simultaneously, the question of the external border of the EU is raised as a political and mental issue. Deepening of the present EU leads to the fostering of the external borders - this is the lesson of the last 10 years. This can be also observed at the EU’s Eastern border - after the „first Eastern enlargement“ in the context of German reunification in 1990 - to the Oder/Neisse. The article discusses the historic developments and specific challenges of this border line and argues for cooperative external borders of the EU.
Kommunale Selbstverwaltung
(1999)
Das fünfte Potsdamer Textbuch enthält Aufsätze zur kommunalen Selbstverwaltung in Deutschland. Es werden erstens verfassungsrechtliche Grundlagen sowie die Grundzüge der Gemeinde- und Kreisverfassungen dargestellt. Zweitens geht es um die Fragen des Aufbaus der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung im Osten Deutschlands nach 1989 am Beispiel Brandenburgs. Die dabei behandelten Themen reichen von der Kommunalverfassung über die Funktionalreform, Kreisgebietsreform und Ämterbildung bis zum Neuen Steuerungsmodell. Drittens werden aktuelle Reformansätze vorgestellt.
Thema des ersten Potsdamer Textbuches sind Regionen als Subjekte der internationalen Politik, speziell innerhalb der EU. Die Bandbreite reicht von den österreichischen Bundesländern über Schottland und Katalonien bis zu den belgischen communautés. Der "Europäisierung" der deutschen Länder wird besonderes Augenmerk geschenkt. Namhafte Autorinnen und Autoren des In- und Auslandes beteiligen sich an der Diskussion. Theoretische Überlegungen zur Erklärung des Phänomens der transföderalen Beziehungen werden durch anschauliche und detaillierte Fallstudien ergänzt.