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The dramatic changes in international relations characterized by the terms "Complex Interdependence" and "Segmentary Globalization" call for new explanation. The author considers the post-modern approaches, a critical analysis of which he presents, to be one possibility to do that. In studies of international policy, these post-modern influences are gaining ground in disputes with realistic and neo-realistic approaches, and they can also clearly be felt in Latin America. Tomassini, based on the historic experiences of Latin America, forcefully calls for an active and constructive incorporation of the region into international developments. For that, Latin-American societies have to establish modern, and open political as well as economic systems which are able to meet those challenges.
Taking the visit of Erich Honecker to China as an example, the author analyses the bilateral GDR-Chinese relations in the 1980s. Based on extensive original research, the objectives as well as disappointed hopes are presented. The author reveals that not Honecker played the "Chinese Card", but he himself became part of Chinese politics. At the same time, the contradictory reaction to that visit in Moscow are documented when, with the election of Gorbachev, first signs of a change in Soviet policy toward China were indicated. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Underlying the importance of revenue the author discusses the future of the international order from the perspective of political economy. The international system will not be a capitalist one. Political conflicts will not be removed by nonviolent market regulations. Weakness of labour force and a dominant role of revenue will further more result in political interventions by nation states. The struggle for revenue to maintain comparative advantages in high-tech-development strengthens state intervention in order to protect domestic market. The failure of the "development state" in the third world and the rising of fundamentalistic tendencies supported by a market-oriented middle class will increase conflicts in those regions.
Although without providing a systematical comparison, it has become clear that the sects or party-factions of Japan’s New Left movement are by no means merely copies of their counterparts in the West. On the other hand their conduct may not be judged as to be a unique Japanese phenomenon. What they embody is, on the whole, a complex symbiosis of universal and particularly Japanese features, which can be observed in the fields of social behavior, organizational structure, and group dynamics. The particularity of the New Left factions is mostly revealed through the higher intensity of specific features rather than through pecularities found only in Japan.
Flight and expulsion are and will remain important international problems. The existence of refugees is a result of unsolved domestic tasks. Thus, effective solutions require comprehensive and long-term strategies. So far the efforts to reduce the causes of escape have not been sufficient. In the current refugee crises millions of people can survive only with the help of an efficient international system (for example the UNHCR) that guarantees humanitarian aid and protection. However, this system has turned out to be inadequate although the potential of preventive action is sufficient to reach a major progress in diminishing the refugee problem.
There has never been a theory of transition from really existing Socialism to a democratic and market-oriented system. Different theoretical approaches are taken into consideration by the author. Experiences of other transitional processes are practicable on Eastern Europe in a limited way. The missing of socio-structural differentiation, the socio-cultural consequences of the really existing Socialism and the international conditions did not promote the transition. It seems that the transition in Eastern Europe is obviously not a change from one political system to another one, but for the time being an open process.
The existence of the Soviet Union was a remarkable anomalie in the history of the 20th century, which was also characterized by the collapse of multinational and colonial empires. Starting with the structural definitions of empires, the author describes the particularities of the Soviet empire. He analyzes the order, ideology and culture of the Soviet Empire. Looking for the reasons of its collapse, he presents a genesis of the longterm and short-term reasons. He is focusing on the breakdown of the post-totalitarian Leviathan, the cultural decline, the renaissance of nationalism and of the imperial overstretching. Finally he asseses the role of the policy of Perestroika in the breakdown of the Soviet Empire in the beginning of the 1990s.
Based on the discussion on Germany´s new 'central location', the author tries to sketch Germany´s geopolitical position in view of the constellation of powers in Europe from a national point of view. This favourable position offers a great chance for the country to play an active role in Europe’s integration. However, German historical heritage as well as the delicate relationship of Germany´s political elite to the use of power are reasons for the country´s hesitation to fulfill her neighbours’ and her allies’ expectations. Anyhow, Summaries 192 rooted in the West-European and transatlantic integration is Germany the natural dooropener for its Eastern, South-Eastern and Baltic neighbours to become 'members of the club'. )</a> Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
The Chinese coastal cities play an increasing economic role in the Yellow Sea region. The inclusion of these cities into the intra Asian economic cooperation is accomplished not only in the conventional sphere of trade but also by a growing involvement in telecommunication networks, technological exchange and the circulation of human resources. That is why these cities emerge as autonomous actors in the East Asian integration process. In this context national states face deep structural change, especially in the field of sovereignty and territory. Concerning the internal situation of China, this change could also cause a turn over of the relationship between the central government and the regions.
The article argues that the concept of statehood is not functioning any longer. It exists a crisis for the international legal order which is represented by the failure of state to maintain order within its borders. The problem of violence in international relations are connected to the implosion of a considerable number of the state entities in the contemporary international society. The federalist institutional approach in international law and international theory could not contribute in an appropriate way to the solution of the "problem of violence", because it supposes a willingness on the part of states to do so. Only the concept of "national interest", in a sociological sense, connected to the development of a discource of solidarity and mutual responsibility between the "West" and the "rest of the world" offers the possibility to create a common consciousness which could make it easier to overcome the contemporary crises for the international legal order.
The failure of politics is closely connected with deeply rooted misconceptions about the term politics. The author argues that a re-reading of Immanuel Kant's work "The Perpetual Peace" written 200 years ago offers a challenging possibility for a new conceptualization of politics, morality and peace. Morality is seen by Kant as an essential dimension of politics and the implementation and acknowledgement of laws by moral demands is defined as a precondition for a community of free citizens. In its public discourse politics does require law and morality. Deriving future rights from existing laws is one of the most favored argumentation used by politicians in the public. If the needs of law and justice are interpretated by politicians in their own interest, i.e. above all guarantees for the realization of political selfdetermination, then a real chance will exist for improving peace in the future.
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.
The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
Are we witnessing a decline of war, the spread of violence or both? The growing number of wars and genocids conveys the impression of uncontrolled violence. Is there any possibility to overcome belligerent conflicts between states? Do imply social, technological, cultural or even anthropological changes moments which could shift the ground of state’s rivalry towards non-belligerent relationships? Peace trough interdependence and democracy seems possible. The priorities of modern states cannot be thought on the basis of attributes like sovereignty and territoriality. The peaceful 'bourgeois islands' not only bring about prosperity but increasing social exclusion as well. New phenomenon of ethnicism and religiosity often originate from, around and in their midst. Threats arising from terrorism and racial or religious riots are the consequences. There are two options, the author considers as possible: an "embourgeoisement" of the "barbarians" or a "barbarisation of the bourgeois". Or is there a new political form emerging?
Hegemonialmächte im Vorderen und Mittleren Orient : die Dritte Partei in internationalen Konflikten
(1997)
During the last five decades hegemons played an important role in de-escalating international conflicts in the subregion defined as the core of Oriens Islamicus. Statistical analysis of large datasets shows that half of all conflicts remained without any interference from the hegemonial powers at all - both on global scale and in the subregion. In all other cases however, hegemons (especially super-powers in the role of patrons) tended more often to act as (power-) mediators when their client-state was engaged in conflict with a client of the opposing superpower in Oriens Islamicus than they did on global scale. They did this in their own interest in order to avoid direct involvement, i.e. possible danger of a nuclear escalation. In contrast to conventional mediation theory they were more effective in conflict de-escalation than other mediators, especially in conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbours. The end of bipolarity in the international system also brought this mechanism of de-escalation to an end. It leaves the hegemon(s) as a potentially powerful third party on the one hand, but on the other their inclination to become involved in regional conflict remains rather diminished as long as the basic national interests in the area are not at stake.
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Thema des ersten Potsdamer Textbuches sind Regionen als Subjekte der internationalen Politik, speziell innerhalb der EU. Die Bandbreite reicht von den österreichischen Bundesländern über Schottland und Katalonien bis zu den belgischen communautés. Der "Europäisierung" der deutschen Länder wird besonderes Augenmerk geschenkt. Namhafte Autorinnen und Autoren des In- und Auslandes beteiligen sich an der Diskussion. Theoretische Überlegungen zur Erklärung des Phänomens der transföderalen Beziehungen werden durch anschauliche und detaillierte Fallstudien ergänzt.
Der zweite Potsdamer Textbuch-Band enthält Aufsätze zur Entwicklung des polnischen Staates nach den Umbrüchen von 1989/90 und zur Ausformung eines demokratischen politischen Systems. Die Transformation der Wirtschaftsordnung wird ebenso dargestellt wie die Veränderung der sozialen Lage. Die Artikel zeigen sowohl die Ursachen der erstaunlichen Erfolge der polnischen Transformation im politischen und wirtschaftlichen Bereich als auch die bestehenden, teilweise ernsthaften Probleme. Im außenpolitischen Teil wird der Schwerpunkt auf das Verhältnis zur EU und zu Deutschland gelegt.
Der dritte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher befasst sich mit gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen im konfliktreichen Nahen Osten. Die Zusammenstellung der Texte erfolgte sowohl mit Blick auf die anhaltende Kulturkreisdiskussion als auch hinsichtlich der Bemühungen um Stabilität in dieser Region. Hinzu kommen Analysen zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung und den politischen Regimes in Israel, Palästina, Ägypten, im Jemen und Iran. Auszüge aus Verfassungen arabischer Staaten, statistische Angaben und eine Bibliographie vervollständigen das Textbuch.
Borders are a main characteristic of political entities. The separation from and the interactions with the outside environment are realised simultaenously. This is now heavily questioned in the European Union as „the first post-modern political entity“ (Ruggie). Within the EU we have observed a process of „de-bordering“ and growing transborder cooperation. Simultaneously, the question of the external border of the EU is raised as a political and mental issue. Deepening of the present EU leads to the fostering of the external borders - this is the lesson of the last 10 years. This can be also observed at the EU’s Eastern border - after the „first Eastern enlargement“ in the context of German reunification in 1990 - to the Oder/Neisse. The article discusses the historic developments and specific challenges of this border line and argues for cooperative external borders of the EU.
Kommunale Selbstverwaltung
(1999)
Das fünfte Potsdamer Textbuch enthält Aufsätze zur kommunalen Selbstverwaltung in Deutschland. Es werden erstens verfassungsrechtliche Grundlagen sowie die Grundzüge der Gemeinde- und Kreisverfassungen dargestellt. Zweitens geht es um die Fragen des Aufbaus der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung im Osten Deutschlands nach 1989 am Beispiel Brandenburgs. Die dabei behandelten Themen reichen von der Kommunalverfassung über die Funktionalreform, Kreisgebietsreform und Ämterbildung bis zum Neuen Steuerungsmodell. Drittens werden aktuelle Reformansätze vorgestellt.
Die Politikfeldanalyse der belgischen Frauenförderpolitik für die Privatwirtschaft wird anhand eines Analyserasters für Gleichstellungspolitik durchgeführt. Nach einer Einführung in das politische System Belgiens und die gesellschaftspolitischen Bedingungen für Gleichstellungspolitik wird die staatliche Initivative für Gleichstellung in der Privatwirtschaft dargestellt. Die Analyse der Policy bezieht die relevanten politischen, verwaltungstechnischen und gesellschaftlichen Faktoren ein und nutzt Analyseinstrumente der Verwaltungswissenschaft und der feministischen Politikwissenschaft.
Two years after the end of the "hot war" in Kosovo, the situation on the Balkans remains extremely tense. The West embraced the illusion to provide the Kosovo-Albanians with conditions for a substantial autonomy under the umbrella of an international protectorate. The Kosovo-Albanians considered the substantial autonomy as a milestone on their way to independence, while a new Yugoslav-Serbian administration counted on regaining sovereign rights in Kosovo. The escalation of the crisis provided a fresh impetus for new expectations regarding the national question. The claim to separate Kosovo from Yugoslavia had been strengthened. The Albanian role in this process remained ambiguous. Albania has to be considered as an actor and an object, and it perceives its national geopolitical and security interests as affected by the process in Kosovo. Tirana's political orientation is strongly moving towards the Euro-Atlantic community, yet hegemonic interests vis-à-vis Kosovo might play an important role besides Tirana's own limited political influence over the developments in Kosovo.
With the new government, coming to power in 1998, a new emphasis on development cooperation as part of a global strategy for structural change was launched. Since then the federal minister for development cooperation – Heidemarie Wieczorek- Zeul – presented some interesting strategic papers under the label "aid as a global policy to overcome structural blockades to social progress and development". Special emphasis was put on the Program of Action for Poverty Reduction and on the strategy paper of a new Africa policy, but neither are concrete results yet in sight nor is an answer to the burning question of what to do with half of all African countries not having a long-term perspective for development at all (the "failing states" etc.). The article shows the great discrepancy between the impressive political rhetoric and the meager budget to cope with the many challenges of the poor developing countries in Africa. The new concept of the enlarged security intends to stabilize the structural conditions for social and economic development. In order to realize this aim, the article proposes a link between public expenditures on military measures for security and such on civil measures for structural security. Finally the article asks how development cooperation can influence the political attitudes of state and society in Africa in the direction of good governance and structural reforms.
The aftermath of September 11th is again subject of discussion in the forum of this Winter edition of WeltTrends. Besides scholars from Poland and Germany, wellknown politicians from all parties represented in the Bundestag deal with questions that arise from the brutal attacks of Islamic terrorism in the Western world. There is a wide consensus that conflicts in regions of crises such as the Middle East have to be solved first before peace can be established. More or less constructive suggestions were made concerning the role of Euro-Atlantic institutions. International efforts under the jurisdiction of the UN will have to be strengthened in order to install democratic structures in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Most of the opinions, ideas and impressions represented here have in common that they give an outlook of what will keep the daily political life busy for the next few years.
On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the Warsaw treaty’s signing, Egon Bahr, the intellectual father of the German Ostpolitik, describes his courageous efforts at that time. The aim of this politics was to gain space for strengthening own peace and security in Europe. Irrefutable principles of the policy of that time were non-aggression and the recognition of the borders. Going back to these principles, Egon Bahr redefines Germany’s future foreign policy too. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
"Copernican" is the term the author is calling the turn in present Islamism. After a mostly failed fundamentalist reaction to a high-speed westernisation, there are current debates among Islamists to find an own identity - based on Islam and connected with Western values. Aim of these efforts is to link Islam with the contemporary realities in the Arabian world.
Since 1990, ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) candidate countries have become contractually linked to the EU by Europe Agreements in the context of a prudently managed political process of pre-accession preparation and accession negotiations. This article discusses the implementation of EU law in these countries, observing changing attitudes to law, legal behaviour and judicial law control. The author argues that the approximation of legislation in the CEE countries will be achieved much faster than the incorporation of these laws into social practice. Thus, a gap between the formal fulfilment of accession requirements and the application of new EC laws will emerge. The consequences for the enlarged European Community could either be a considerably delayed "pulling up" or a dangerous "pulling down" scenario.
The "Forum" of WeltTrends No. 32 assembles sixteen analyses of the aftermath of the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, written by distinguished scholars from Germany, Britain, France, the U.S., the Czech Republic, Russia and China. The contributions deal with topics such as international and domestic security, the social and political causes of terrorism, international law, asylum policy, the classification of the attacks as crimes or acts of war, implications for international bodies such as NATO and the UN, and the effect of the attacks on the relationship between the U.S., Europe, Russia, and Asia, in particular Japan and China. The authors counsel strongly against scare mongering and short-term symbolic politics. Any attempt to deal with the complex problem of terrorism has to include long-term political and social policies aimed at the reduction of conflict and sources of political extremism in the Middle Eastern region. There is no reason for panic according to the authors but international politics after September 11th cannot go on like before.
Recht in der Transformation
(2002)
Die jüngsten Veränderungen in den Gesellschaften Mittel- und Osteuropas wurden bisher vor allem unter den Stichworten „Demokratisierung“ und „Marktwirtschaft“ debattiert. Aber wie wurde der Umbruch in Politik und Wirtschaft rechtlich verankert? Welche Probleme entstehen, wenn westliche Normen wie die Vorschriften der EU nach Osteuropa übertragen werden und welche Rolle spielt das Recht beim Aufbau der Wirtschaft? Dieser Band versucht Antworten zu geben, indem er theoretische Fragestellungen mit empirischen Fallstudien aus Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa sowie Zentralasien verbindet.
Mit den immensen Aufgaben und Problematiken der Transformation konfrontiert, wechselten die Mehrparteien-Regierungen in Estland vergleichsweise häufig. Im Jahr 2002 war die insgesamt achte Regierung seit 1992 im Amt. Eine detaillierte Untersuchung der Regierungsstabilität am Beispiel von Estlands bis dato sieben Regierungen erscheint daher angebracht, da das Land trotz der häufigen Regierungswechsel im osteuropäischen Vergleich als erfolgreichstes Transformationsland angesehen wird. Kann Regierungsstabilität auch dann vorliegen, wenn die Regierungen selbst sehr häufig wechseln? Dies ist die eigentliche Fragestellung der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass sich Regierungsstabilität aus mehreren Variablen zusammensetzt, die sich gegenseitig beeinflussen. Angaben über die durchschnittliche Verweildauer einer Regierung im Amt besitzen wenig Aussagekraft, vielmehr müssen die eigentlichen Hintergründe für einen Wechsel beleuchtet werden.
This introduction provides an overview of feminist approaches to International Relations. The authors compare the Anglo-American debate with the Germanspeaking discussion in order to reveal similarities and differences. They identify three particular areas of research that characterize the German-speaking feminist debate in International Relations: (1) works evolving out of peace studies; (2) research on globalization and international economic institutions; (3) studies focusing on women’s movements together with most current works centering around international norms. They argue that feminist approaches to norms constitute a particularly promising research area which provides new "tools" to account for international, regional or domestic policy-change. Gender-sensitive research on norms also allows to address ethical questions that are vital for feminist understandings of science. Moreover, this new focus on norms enables bridge-building between feminism and the mainstream.
On the occasion of his farewell lecture, Manfred Mols looks back to his academic work of the last four decades, and discusses the essential meaning of area studies. He tries to clarify the important denotation of institutes for regional researchers. Area studies should help us to understand changing processes in international policies and they do. He underlines his critical point of view with the position and treatment of area studies among certain universities in Germany.
This article is a reply to a statement by Elke Schwinger in WeltTrends 31. The author tries to strike the balance between "coming to terms with the past" and the role of criminal law in this process in Germany. The principle of prohibition of retroactive laws, fixed in the 1990 German Unification Treaty and in the Constitution, had been broken in the trials against the "Mauerschützen" (border guards) in German criminal courts since 1990. There is an artificially constructed past which does not correspond to the reality of the border regime before 1989. The author underlines that today the criminal law is misused for political aims within the German unification process.
The question of use or non-use of nuclear weapons has suddenly got new prominence as part of the search for an effective strategy against international terrorism. This dispute is not new. Within the deterrence strategy, American and NATO nuclear weapons policy over the years shifted from massive retaliation over flexible response towards nuclearweapons only as a last resort. In the multilateral framework, deliberations have focussed on positive and negative assurances for non-nuclear weapons states. The International Court of Justice, in its Advisory Opinion, considers the use of nuclear weapons as generally contrary to the rules of international law. Today, there are strong indications that the U.S. is moving towards giving nuclear weapons a war-fighting role. For future wars, the likelihood of nuclear weapons being used would grow considerably.
"Small wars" will play an increasing role in the conflict scenarios of the 21st century, at the expense of inter-state wars. One of the key features of future war is the difficult differentiation between civilian and military targets, between combatants and noncombatants. It is argued that the parallel (and competing) structures of both states and non-state actors using force openly and equally will be a permanent feature of international security policy in the 21st century. This development is tantamount to the dissolution of the monopoly on the legitimate use of force by the states. The state-centered system of international relations has been a distinctive hallmark of the modern period. It is bound to give way, however, to the parallel and competing structures of state actors and non-state actors which was a central attribute of the Middle Ages. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Das sechste Potsdamer Textbuch ist eine solide und kritische Bilanz der Außenpolitik der DDR. Weder rechtfertigt und verklärt sie nostalgisch eingefärbt das vergangene System, noch verurteilt sie pauschal. Den Beiträgen liegen sowohl umfangreiche Recherchen in den Archiven als auch lebensweltliche Erfahrungen mit der Außenpolitik des deutschen Realsozialismus zugrunde. Der Band, der zum 70. Geburtstag des ehemaligen Professors am Institut für Internationale Beziehungen der DDR Claus Montag erschien, macht generelle Linien der ostdeutschen Außenpolitik sichtbar und zeigt zugleich sehr konkret die internationale Vernetzung der DDR in den verschiedenen Phasen des Kalten Krieges.
This article investigates the fictional narratives written by „Sub-commandante Marcos“ of the Zapatista movement EZLN. It is shown that Marcos uses three distinct frames of reference in his fictional account of the Zapatista guerrilla: an ethnic, a national and a post-national one. Contrary to other studies that emphasize the harmony between the three levels, it can be argued that there exists a fundamental tension between them. There is a tension between the ethnic discourse and the Mexican nationalist discourse which envisions a nation rather than a nation dominated by a single ethno-cultural group. Finally, it can be deduced from these tensions that the EZLN guerrilla is subject to divergent pressures.
Der achte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher beschäftigt sich mit Deutschlands Nachbarland Polen. Beide Staaten teilen eine komplizierte Vergangenheit und die Debatte um die deutsch-polnischen Beziehungen reißt nicht ab. Die Artikel dieses Bandes sollen zu einem besseren Verständnis der Geschichte, Kultur, Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft sowie des Staates Polen beitragen. Ferner wird der zum Zeitpunkt der Veröffentlichung dieses PTBs noch anstehende Beitritt Polens zur EU betrachtet und versucht, einen Ausblick auf zukünftige Entwicklungen zu geben.
The central focus of this essay is the "politicisation" of ethnicity in contemporary German immigration policy and its underlying ethnic ideology. Emphasis is put on the relevance of ethnicity and how it is viewed within the framework of German immigration policy. The author discusses German citizenship policy and its ideology, which creates ethnic boundaries in order to serve as a mechanism to defend limited access to German citizenship. The effects of the elevation of so-called ethnic groups through privileged immigration are explained with the example of ethnic German emigrants living in the former Soviet Union – the "Auslandsdeutschen" – and the process of their ethnic formation.
Völkerrecht und Ethnizität
(2003)
Both universal and regional international instruments seek to maintain and to strengthen peace and security through the development of friendly and co-operative relations between equally sovereign states respecting human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. History shows that failure to respect minority rights can undermine stability within states and negatively affect relations between states, thus endangering international peace. While minority situations vary greatly and the ordinary democratic process may be adequate to respond to the needs and aspirations of minorities, experience also shows that special measures are often required to facilitate the effective participation of minorities in public life. The article analyzes the contribution of international law to this field.
At the beginning of the 21st century the welfare state is under pressure from two sides. On the one hand, there is "globalisation", on the other hand seems to be some sort of normative crisis of the welfare state’s moral foundations. The welfare state is said to curtail individual freedom and autonomy. This article rejects this assumption by exploring the philosophical and moral foundations of the welfare state, thereby demonstrating that it is essentially necessary for individual freedom and autonomy. Furthermore, it is shown that individual freedom is also the core principle of liberal democracy and that the welfare state is therefore an indispensable prerequisite for democracy itself.
Do the transatlantic relations have a future after the Iraq crisis and what will they look like? This question will be discussed in this and the next issue of WeltTrends. For this debate, Thomas Risse, Chair of International Relation at the Freie Universität Berlin, provides the initial input. Risse focuses on controversial issues inside of Europe, the outcome of which will be decisive for the future of the transatlantic relationship. Will the European consensus once constituted by the commitment to international law and multilateralism persist? What is the European position regarding democracy and human rights in the Middle East? Will Europe develop a strategy to cope with the new kind of threats posed by weapons of mass destruction in the hands of dictators or terrorists? Risse´s article has provoked a debate inside the German academic community, whose contributions will be published in the next issue of WeltTrends.
This issue of WeltTrends features the debate about the future of the transatlantic relationship and world order after the Iraq war. It was started by Thomas Risse with his article in the previous edition. Thomas Risse elaborated on three main points of contention between the United States and Europe: the role of international law and multilateralism, democracy and human rights, and the strategy towards new security threats. Most of the scholars, contributing to the debate in this issue agree with Risse in that there is no alternative to the transatlantic partnership and offer possible paths towards its renewal. The debate will be continued with additional comments and a rebuttal by Thomas Risse in the next Winter issue.
In this article, Immanuel Wallerstein tries to anticipate the evolution of world conflicts and structures over the next decades. In his analysis, he identifies three main cleavages which structure future global conflicts: the triadic cleavage between the United States, Europe and Japan, who compete economically; the North-South cleavage between core zones and the periphery of the world economy; and, finally, the cleavage between what he calls the "Spirit of Davos" and the "Spirit of Porto Alegre" as a conflict between alternative images of the future world order. The structure and the dynamics of each cleavage are analysed and their evolution over the next decades is anticipated.
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
Der vierte Band der Potsdamer Textbücher bringt erstmals den klassischen Text der Politikwissenschaft zum Thema diktatorische Herrschaftssysteme in deutscher Sprache. Juan Linz reflektiert darin die Debatten um Totalitarismus und Demokratie und beschreibt die autoritäre Herrschaft als eigenständige Form politischer Machtausübung. Es ist eine exzellente Auseinandersetzung mit den politischen Phänomenen des 20. Jahrhunderts, die sich durch theoretische Tiefe, empirische Fülle und methodische Klarheit auszeichnet.
German foreign policy is in the midst of a far-reaching transformation. Contrary to disciplinary expectations, this process is neither properly captured by descriptions in the liberal tradition („Europeanisation“, „Civilian Power“) nor by Realist expectations that Germany is doomed to „remilitarise“ and/or „renationalise“. However, the key term of foreign policy discourse, „normalisation“, is an unmistakable code, signalling a rediscovery of traditional Realpolitik practices which fit Germany’s current environment. The paper argues that rather than merely playing the role of an obedient disciple of Realpolitik socialisers, Germany ought to rehabilitate the foreign policy tradition of the Bonn Republic in support of an active Idealpolitik transformation of its environment. The article serves as a starting point for a debate on German foreign policy in the upcoming issues of WeltTrends.
Editorial
(2004)
Großmächtiges Deutschland
(2004)
Um einen Ständigen Sitz im UN-Sicherheitsrat für Deutschland will sich der Kanzler bemühen, „finster entschlossen“ sei man nun, und „ohne Geeiere“ wolle man das anstreben; das Ende der Nachkriegsgeschichte wird von ihm ausgerufen, und ganz nebenbei legt er den polnischen Freunden nahe, ihr Steuersystem zu verändern. Wilhelminisch ist das gewiß nicht, aber deshalb auch schon normal? Da sich Gerhard Schröder in seiner zweiten Amtszeit – in guter deutscher Kanzlertradition – der Außenpolitik verstärkt zuwendet, wird die von ihm schon lange verkündete Normalität nun zum außenpolitischen Leitmotiv. Der Koch kellnert jetzt; er wird auch abkassieren und die Einnahmen für sich im Buch der Geschichte verbuchen wollen. Vor solch einer Entwicklung hatte Gunther Hellmann im letzten Welt- Trends-Heft gewarnt. Er diagnostizierte „die schwerste Krise“ der Außenpolitik und plädierte für einen „offensiven Idealismus“. Da mußten wir nicht lange auf Widerspruch warten. Dieser wurde klar und pointiert formuliert – und enthält zudem so manch nachdenkliches Detail. WeltTrends wurde damit erneut zur Plattform der außenpolitischen Debatte in diesem Lande. Und diese wird fortgeführt.
Die EU-Staaten haben sich lange Zeit in die Rolle der „Vasallen“ und des „Brückenkopfs“ (Brzezinski 1999) gefügt, solange sie sich davon mehr Vor- als Nachteile versprechen konnten. Mit der Ausformung der Europäischen Union zu einem immer kompakteren wirtschaftlichen und finanzpolitischen Machtzentrum wächst auch das Bedürfnis nach einer kohärenteren und durchsetzungsfähigeren regionalen und globalen Interessenwahrnehmung in den internationalen Institutionen, gegenüber anderen Großmächten und regionalen Zusammenschlüssen sowie in gewaltsamen Konflikten, die die Interessen der EU-Staaten tangieren. Dieser Trend wird durch den unilateralen Kurs der Vereinigten Staaten zusätzlich verstärkt, der sich bereits unter der Präsidentschaft Clintons ausformte und unter der Bush-Administration eine bislang nicht gekannte Zuspitzung erfahren hat. Mit der Ablehnung des Kyoto-Protokolls und des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs, mit der Aufkündigung des ABM-Vertrages, dem Infragestellen des Teststoppabkommens und der Rehabilitierung des Krieges als Mittel der Politik haben die Vereinigten Staaten grundlegende Interessen, Ziele und Standards der EU-Staaten negiert und mithin ihre Gegenwehr herausgefordert.
Rezensionen
(2004)
Georg Schild, Die bedrohte Supermacht. Die Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der USA nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges, Berliner Schriften zur Internationalen Politik, hrsg. vom Forschungsinstitut der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik, Berlin, Verlag Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, 157 S., ISBN 3-8100-3590-4 Emmanuel Todd, Welt-Macht USA. Ein Nachruf, Piper Verlag, München, Zürich 2003, 264 S., ISBN 3-492-04535-9 Werner Kremp, Jürgen Wilzewski (Hrsg.), Weltmacht vor neuer Bedrohung: Die Bush-Administration und die US-Außenpolitik nach dem Angriff auf Amerika, Atlantische Texte, herausgegeben von der Atlantischen Akademie Rheinland-Pfalz e.V., Bd. 20, Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, Trier 2003, 479 S., ISBN 3-88476-605-8 Johanna Rupprecht, Frieden durch Menschenrechtsschutz. Strategien der Vereinten Nationen zur Verwirklichung der Menschenrechte weltweit, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2003, 363 S., ISBN 3-8329-0148-5 Irene Dieckmann, Peter Krüger, Julius H. Schoeps (Hrsg.), Geopolitik. Grenzgänge im Zeitgeist, Bd. 1.1.: 1890 bis 1945, Bd. 1.2.: 1945 bis zur Gegenwart, Verlag für Berlin-Brandenburg, Potsdam 2000, 711 S., ISBN 3-932981-68-5 Christoph Knill, Europäische Umweltpolitik. Steuerungsprobleme und Regulierungsmuster im Mehrebenensystem, Verlag Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2003, 232 S., ISBN 3-8100-3761-3 Reinhard Rode, Weltregieren durch internationale Wirtschaftsorganisationen, LIT Verlag, Münster, Hamburg, London 2002, 219 S., ISBN 3-8258-6189-9 Stefan Engel, Götterdämmerung über der „neuen Weltordnung“. Die Neuorganisation der internationalen Produktion, Verlag Neuer Weg, Essen 2003, 577 S., ISBN 3-88021-340-2 Max Kaase, Vera Sparschuh, Agnieszka Wenninger, Three Social Sciences in Central and Eastern Europe. Handbook on Economics, Political Science and Sociology (1989–2001), Social Science Information Centre (IZ)/Collegium, Budapest 2002, 668 S., ISBN 3-8206-0139- 2 Heinz Kleger, Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, Matthias Munke, Europäische Verfassung: Zum Stand der europäischen Demokratie im Zuge der Osterweiterung, LIT Verlag, Hamburg, Münster, Berlin, London 2001, 408 S., ISBN 3-8258-5097-8 Volker Kröning, Lutz Unterseher, Günter Verheugen (Hrsg.), Hegemonie oder Stabilität. Alternativen zur Militarisierung, Edition Temmen, Bremen 2002, 198 S., ISBN 3-86108-368-X Michael Meimeth, Joachim Schild (Hrsg.), Die Zukunft von Nationalstaaten in der europäischen Integration. Deutsche und französische Perspektiven, Verlag Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2002, 336 S., ISBN 3-8100-3033-3 Gilberto Calcagnotto, Detlef Nolte, Südamerika zwischen US-amerikanischer Hegemonie und brasilianischem Führungsanspruch. Konkurrenz und Kongruenz der Integrationsprozesse in den Amerikas, Schriftenreihe des Instituts für Iberoamerika-Kunde, Bd. 56, Vervuert Verlag , Frankfurt am Main 2002, 281 S., ISBN 3-8935-4604-9 Sabine von Schorlemer (Hrsg.), Praxishandbuch UNO. Die Vereinten Nationen im Lichte globaler Herausforderungen, Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg 2003, 774 S., ISBN 3-540-43907-2
Konferenzen
(2004)
30 Jahre deutsche UNO-Politik 1973– 2003 Potsdamer UNO-Konferenz 2003 am 27. und 28. Juni 2003 Die Vereinten Nationen: „Sie bringen den Menschen nicht in den Himmel, aber sie bewahren ihn vor der Hölle“. Neuntes Forum für Globale Fragen im Auswärtigen Amt, 11.– 12. Dezember 2003 Stadt und Region „The City and the Region“, Tagung am 4./5. November 2003 an der Bauhaus- Universität Weimar Neue Hoffnung für den Nahen Osten? „Die Genfer Friedensinitiative“ in Berlin vorgestellt Die Außenpolitik der Volksrepublik China seit 1978 Workshop des Lehrstuhls für Internationale Beziehungen/ Außenpolitik an der Universität Trier am 16./17. Oktober 2003 „Kolumbien: Wege aus der Gewalt“ Fachtagung des Instituts für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft und Internationale Beziehungen der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt a.M. und des Instituts für Iberoamerika-Kunde Hamburg am 27. und 28. Juni 2003 in Frankfurt a.M. Cuba – The Last Transition in the Americas?
Through police co-operation, re-admission agreements, and setting up of detention camps, Italy’s immigration policy tries to delocalise border controls between Europe and North Africa. Italian immigration quotas and development aid should induce countries of origin and transit of migrants to tighten their border controls and cooperate with Italy. Development aid is used by the EU in order to exert pressure on other countries, whereas Libya for instance uses transiting refugees as a diplomatic weapon. On the other hand, relations between Italy and North African countries do not focus on human rights violations taking place in some of these countries.
Patrimonialer Sozialismus Clan-Herrschaft in Turkmenistan Polizei in Georgien Zentralasiens Präsidenten Organisiertes Verbrechen in Bulgarien Albanien als Familienstaat Hybride Staaten im Südkaukasus Entwicklungspolitik von NGOs Afrika ad portas? Die T-Frage im Bundestag Vom Sein und Schein der Transformation
Editorial
(2004)
Since the late 1960s of the 20th century, Bulgaria experienced a great increase in organized crime. As a result, relations between the managers of state-owned enterprises, the state security service, party officials, and criminal actors grew and became stronger. Parts of the old network are still functioning. Through the support of governmental circles, organized crime became established and dominated essential parts of the economy, from the mid-1990s. Since 1996, however, governments tried to act against organized crime. The influence of the mafia is still an unsolved problem and a challenge to the transformation of the country.
Discussing the case of Egypt, the author claims that since the preconditions in the Middle East are very different from those in Europe, there also has to be a different approach towards its modernization process. She suggests a „restructuring“ of the state not only in the economic sector but also in the political, cultural, or social areas. The advantage of such an approach lies in the fact that elements and values of the traditional culture can be maintained and even expanded. Furthermore, as this approach does not presuppose any specific model, it can be applied to all kinds of societies. However, restrucuring cannot replace modernization.
From the Russian perspective, the author describes the danger of a hegemonic US, dominating the world’s fate, weakening the UN and endangering peace. A counterweight to the US domination could be stronger ties between Western Europe and Russia. The rise of the Franco-German-Russian troika has been the only positive effect of the Iraq war. But not all members of the EU seem to recognise the necessity of a „Great Europe” from Reykjavik to Wladiwostok. Especially the new members of NATO and EU are vassals of the US and exhibit strong anti-Russian resentments.
Poverty, ethnicity and religious fundamentalism are the most pressing problems of the 21st century. According to this Indian author, democratisation on the national and international level is the only way to overcome these problems. One reason for the failing of the international institutions is the insufficient representation of the world community, especially in the UN Security Council. A reform of the United Nations seems indispensable. The war against international terrorism is essential but has to be waged without the differentiation between good and bad terrorists.
Indonesia’s arduous path to democracy is threatened by several domestic conflicts. Although the civil war in Aceh – a region in the north of Sumatra – has claimed thousands of victims, the incidents have not yet been adequately dealt with – neither in the public domain nor within the scientific community. In May 2003, the Indonesian president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, imposed material law on the Aceh region in order to crack down on the separatist movement Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). This step does not seem to be in line with serious concepts of democracy and is threatening the consolidation of the transformation process. The author seeks to shed light on the roots of the conflict, the motivation of leading politicians in Jakarta to deploy military means instead of continuing negotiations, and its consequences for the Indonesian process of democratisation.
In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany’s foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik. This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends. Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.
In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany's foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik. This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends. Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.
There have been three main phases of political discourse in recent Iranian history. A paternalistic era was accompanied by a phase of absolutistic rule during the Qagar dynasty. This phase was followed by a forced modernization, when the Shah of Iran expanded his absolutistic rule and established a dictatorship. With the Islamic Revolution of 1979, a new phase of political discourse emerged with a tendency towards religious traditionalism. The author states that religion and democracy are not in opposition. However, there is need for dialogue between the East and the West.
Should Turkey become a member of the EU? This is one of the most controversial issues in German European politics now. While the Social Democrats and the Green Party seem to be in favour, the Christian Democrats strongly oppose it. This paper demonstrates that both sides - their contrary political preferences notwithstanding- share one central belief: Turkey does not fit into the EU for cultural reasons. Through a close reading of parliamentary debates on EUenlargement the article reconstructs how Turkey is made Europe’s other.
Landwirtschaftsverwaltung in Polen : verzögerte Reformen in einem instabilen politischen Umfeld
(2004)
Die Studie befasst sich mit der Entwicklung der Landwirtschaftsverwaltung in Polen im Zeitraum 1989/90 bis 2003. Die Darstellung konzentriert sich auf Veränderungen von Organisationsstrukturen und Personal in der polnischen Landwirtschaftsverwaltung im Prozess der Transformation und der europäischen Integration.
Der Staat und sein Schatten : zur Institutionalisierung hybrider Staatlichkeit im Süd-Kaukasus
(2004)
This article looks at contemporary Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan and addresses the question of how these states, which suffer from considerable institutional weaknesses, nevertheless retain the ability to control key aspects of statehood, first of all security and a measure of central authority. It is argued that these states invest only in selected aspects of statehood. The needed resources are mobilized by a system of informal taxes, which are then invested in certain selected core functions of statehood. This form of state depends on both formal and informal institutions, which are mutually supportive.
Can there be an order of the international system? This article discusses different alternatives of international order starting with the realist assumption of peace by deterrence or balance of power, turning to the idealist view of international cooperation. Finally, the author provides deeper insights into the concept of order established by a hegemonic power including a broad set of historical case studies.
Taking into account historical as well as sociological differences, the author distinguishes between different modes of socialism. On the periphery of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the combination of modern and traditional elements led to the establishment of hybrid political forms. They could be characterized as bureaucratic-patrimonial and associated with a specific type of state: the „peripheral socialist state“.
The author distinguishes between three types of Islamic states. A first type uses Islam as political legitimation (Saudi Arabia). In contrast, the second type uses Islam merely as a political framework. In Iran, for instance, religious values are maintained while at the same time democratic elements, such as elections, can be found. Egypt is mentioned as an example of the third type of state that ranges between a secular and a religious political system. Looking at the modernization process in Egypt more closely, the author claims that without good governance the efforts of the state will be useless and religious extremism may dominate.
Wandel durch Annäherung : weil unsere Zukunft in Europa liegt, bleibt Deutschland eine zivile Macht
(2004)
Vom Sprechen und Schweigen
(2004)
Hans Günter Brauch, P.H. Liotta, Antonio Marquina, Paul F. Rogers, Mohammad El-Sayed Selim (Eds.), Security and Environment in the Mediterranean. Conceptualising Security and Environmental Conflicts, Springer Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg 2003, 1134 S., ISBN 3- 540-40107-5 Dieter Segert, Die Grenzen Osteuropas. 1918, 1945, 1989 – Drei Versuche im Westen anzukommen, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, New York 2002, 339 S., ISBN 3-593-37020-4 Kai Hirschmann, Christian Leggemann (Hrsg.), Der Kampf gegen den Terrorismus: Strategien und Handlungserfordernisse in Deutschland, Berliner Wissenschafts- Verlag, Berlin 2003, 406 S., ISBN 3–8305–0383–0 Olaf Hillenbrand, Iris Kempe (Hrsg.), Der schwerfällige Riese. Wie Russland den Wandel gestalten soll, Verlag Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh 2003, 348 S., ISBN 3-89204-643-3 Thomas Conzelmann, Große Räume, kleine Räume. Europäisierte Regionalpolitik in Deutschland und Großbritannien, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2002, 299 S., ISBN 3-7890-8208-2 Hans-Joachim Lauth (Hrsg.), Vergleichende Regierungslehre. Eine Einführung, Westdeutscher Verlag, Wiesbaden 2002, 468 S., ISBN 3-531-13533-3 Karl Heinz Domdey, Globale Alleinherrschaft, Oligarchie oder ...? US-Universalmacht versus EU-Hybrid. Forschungsinstitut der Internationalen Wissenschaftlichen Vereinigung Weltwirtschaft und Weltpolitik e.V., Berlin 2004, 160 S. ISSN 1021-1993 Hans-Georg Golz, Verordnete Völkerfreundschaft. Das Wirken der Freundschaftsgesellschaft DDR-Großbritannien und der Britain-GDR Society. Möglichkeiten und Grenzen, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, Leipzig 2004, 309 S., ISBN 3-937209-25-5 Peter Schlotter (Hrsg.), Europa – Macht – Frieden? Zur Politik der „Zivilmacht Europa“. AFK-Friedensschriften Band 30, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden- Baden 2003, 410 S., ISBN 3-8329-0224- 4
Rezensierte Werke: Jürgen Neyer, Postnationale politische Herrschaft. Vergesellschaftung und Verrechtlichung jenseits des Staates. Weltpolitik im 21. Jahrhundert, Bd. 11, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2004, 287 S., ISBN 3-8329-0602-9 Till Blume, Till Lorenzen, Andreas Warntjen (Hrsg.), Herausforderung Europa – Von Visionen zu Konzepten, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2003, 158 S., ISBN 3-8329-0078-0 Annegret Bendiek, Der Konflikt im ehemaligen Jugoslawien und die Europäische Integration. Eine Analyse ausgewählter Politikfelder, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, 370 S., ISBN 3-8100-4006-1 Cathrin Schütz, Die NATO-Intervention in Jugoslawien. Hintergründe, Nebenwirkungen und Folgen, W. Braumüller Verlag, Wien 2003, 165 S., ISBN 3-7003-1440-X Ines Hartwig, Die Europapolitik Rumäniens. Entwicklung institutionalisierter Kooperation, Integration Europas und Ordnung der Weltwirtschaft, Bd. 22, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2001, 283 S., ISBN 3-7890-7086-6 Susanne Gratius, Kuba unter Castro – Das Dilemma der dreifachen Blockade. Die kontraproduktive Politik der „Demokratieförderung“ seitens der USA und der EU, Verlag Leske + Budrich, Opladen 2003, 378 S., ISBN 3-8100-3923-3 Bernd Martin, Deutsch-Chinesische Beziehungen 1928–1937. „Gleiche“ Partner unter „ungleichen“ Bedingungen. Eine Quellensammlung, bearbeitet von Susanne Kuss, Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2003, 552 S., ISBN 3-05-002985-4
Europäische Außenpolitik
(2004)
Können wir heute schon von einer europäischen Außenpolitik sprechen? Angesichts der tiefen Gräben, die weiterhin zwischen den EU-Mitgliedern hinsichtlich einer „Gemeinsamen Außen-und Sicherheitspolitik“ bestehen, erscheinen vollmundige Diskurse über „eine europäische Sicherheitsdoktrin“ und „einen europäischen Außenminister“ eher als Geisterbeschwörung. In diesem Heft wird die Frage nach der europäischen Außenpolitik aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven und mit verschiedenen Prognosen diskutiert. Wird deutsche Außenpolitik wieder Machtpolitik? Gunther Hellmann sieht die Gefahr und plädiert für einen „offensiven Idealismus“. Damit beginnt WeltTrends eine neue Debatte zu Deutschlands internationaler Politik, die in den nächsten Heften geführt wird.
In der Diskussion um die internationale Rolle Europas ist die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) Gegenstand häufiger Kontroversen. Ist die EU-Außenpolitik „das blutärmste Produkt der europäischen Integration“ (Kagan 2002) oder gar Beleg für eine wachsende Kluft zwischen Erwartungen und Fähigkeiten (Hill 1998)? Deutlich im Gedächtnis ist noch die Zerrissenheit und Einflusslosigkeit der europäischen Außenpolitik während des Irakkrieges 2003. Sind entsprechende Bemühungen der EU also nicht der Rede wert? Sind die Vorschläge zu Reformen der Verfahren und Institutionen, wie sie der Europäische Konvent zur Zukunft Europas und die anschließende Regierungskonferenz zuletzt vorlegten1, nur Sandkastenspielzeug für Politikwissenschaftler? Oder verspricht der geplante Verfassungsvertrag den strategischen Durchbruch, der die EU zu einem wirklichen außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Akteur im internationalen System werden lässt?
The author offers a survey of recent studies on the role of the European Union in world affairs. While some theoretical and conceptual progress has been made since the 1970s and 1980s, a good deal of the current work is still largely descriptive. Only a small number of studies take factors such as culture, norms, or ideas sufficiently into account. Referring to such variables, however, promises a value added for the explanation of certain phenomena in EU external relations. With reference to IR Theory, an institutionalist approach that conceptualises ideas as an intervening variable is therefore proposed.
Die Vision einer Europäischen Außenpolitik zwischen den Supermächten USA und UdSSR prägte die Debatte im Westeuropa der Nachkriegszeit. Lange Zeit glaubten die überzeugten europäischen Protagonisten an die Idee, mittels einer strengen Sachlogik dem Ziel einer politischen Integration zwangsläufig näher zu kommen und eine gemeinschaftliche Außenpolitik zu erreichen, und zwar über die Bildung einer integrierten Wirtschaftsunion hin zu politischen Mechanismen. Man argumentierte mit Nachdruck: Die wirtschaftliche Integration sei nicht nur ein Schritt auf dem Weg zur politischen Vereinigung, sondern bereits ein Teil des Zieles selbst.1 Wie sehr der Glaube an diese Sachlogik im Verlauf der Jahrzehnte getrogen hat, davon zeugen Mühseligkeit, Langwierigkeit und teilweise Ergebnislosigkeit der Anstrengungen, eine gemeinsame europäische Außenpolitik zu schaffen.
Discourses of danger are a significant part of security and identity politics. They serve well for analysing the construction of both, security through identity politics, and identity through security policy. In this article, the declaration of the Vilnius Group of February 2003 is used as a point of departure. The author discusses the construction of state and national identities in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania throughout the 1990s by means of security policy, danger discourse, and mechanisms of exclusion. He argues that the replacement of Russia as a threat to Baltic security (in documents and policy manifestations) is a reflection of a relaxation of Baltic-Russian relations as well as an ingredient of the pre-accession strategy towards NATO. Political-military threats are replaced by cultural ones, while Russia, hitherto frequently represented as a concrete danger, gives way to abstractions such as „international terrorism“.
Can order and freedom only be established through the application of violent force? Hegel has argued that „using violence“ may be the beginning of the formation of all states in history but is in no way their essential principle. It is true that order and freedom require the protection against violence and acts of force but their normative difference is not levelled off in the term „violent order“ (Gewaltordnung). There is a paradox that „lefties“ in the tradition of Nietzsche and Foucault increasingly fail to notice – the „little difference“ between power politics and order. In their reductionism of politics to power politics, „neo-cons“ and their most ardent critics have much more in common than they are aware of.
Rezensierte Literatur Michael Mann, Die ohnmächtige Supermacht – Warum die USA die Welt nicht regieren können, Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, New York 2003, 357 Seiten, ISBN 3-593-37313-0 Joseph S. Nye Jr., Das Paradox der amerikanischen Macht – Warum die einzige Supermacht der Welt Verbündete braucht, Europäische Verlagsanstalt, Hamburg 2003, 292 Seiten, ISBN 3-434-50552-0 Chalmer Johnson, Der Selbstmord der amerikanischen Demokratie, Karl Blessing Verlag, München 2003, 478 Seiten, ISBN 3-89667-226-6
Konferenzen
(2004)
„Neuere Kriegstheorien – eine Zwischenbilanz“ : Konferenz der DVPW-Sektion „Politische Theorien und Ideengeschichte“ in Kooperation mit der Hessischen Stiftung Friedens- und Konfliktforschung (HSFK). Frankfurt am Main, 25.–27. März 2004 „Der Stärkste ist am mächtigsten allein – Die USA als Weltmacht“ : Evangelische Akademie Loccum, 4.–6. Juni 2004 „Die Rekonstruktion des Westens“ : Berliner Sommerdialog 2004 der Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden, 18.–19. Juni 2004 „Das Verhältnis der Ukraine zu Polen und Belarus. Historische Determinanten und Problemfelder nach der EU-Osterweiterung“ : Tagung der DGO-Fachgruppe Politikwissenschaft, Lemberg, 17.–19. Juni 2004 „Stadt – Grenze – Fluss. Doppelstädte an den neuen EU-Binnengrenzen“ : Collegium Polonicum, Slubice, 29./30. April 2004 „Folgenlose Nachbarschaft? Spuren der DDR-Außenpolitik in den deutsch-tschechischen Beziehungen“ : Konferenz des Centrums für angewandte Politikforschung (C·A·P) in Zusammenarbeit mit der Brücke/Most-Stiftung Dresden/ Prag, Dresden, 24./25. Juni 2004 Von innerem Wohlstand und exzellenten Beziehungen zu Deutschland. Eine chinesische Sicht
This article deals with the growing importance of Non-Governmental Organisations in the South as partners for international development cooperation. It focuses on the innovation potential of NGOs in tackling poverty and in promoting social, economic, and political development in cooperation with donor agencies. It is argued that NGOs face critical challenges when opting for increased professionalism and expansion in size. Many NGOs run the risk of loosing their valuable potentials and advantages in the name of professionalism by transforming themselves into government-like bureaucracies or profit oriented enterprises. Drawing from significant experience in developing countries and with donor agencies, the author offers an ambitious theoretical analysis of NGOs in the south which goes beyond typical approaches of looking at the performance of individuals or merely specific types of NGOs.