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Gibt es einen Zusammenhang zwischen dem sozialen Entwicklungsstand einer Autokratie und ihrem Legitimationsanspruch? Dieser Frage geht der Beitrag am Beispiel der Säuglingssterblichkeit nach. Unter Berücksichtigung von 321 Autokratien aus 120 Ländern im Zeitraum von 1960 bis 2010 zeigen sich Unterschiede in der sozialen Entwicklung zwischen sechs Autokratietypen mit verschiedenen Legitimationsstrategien: elektorale Autokratien, kommunistische Ideokratien, Monarchien, Einparteiautokratien, Militärautokratien und personalistische Autokratien. Insbesondere, dass kommunistische Ideokratien im Vergleich besser abschneiden als (nicht-ideokratische) Einparteiautokratien, spricht dafür, dass sich die Art der Legitimationsstrategie auf die soziale Entwicklung auswirkt. Allerdings sollte der Einfluss von Legitimationsstrategien auf die soziale Entwicklung nicht überschätzt werden, vor allem da sich die Ergebnisse im Rahmen eines Wachstumskurvenmodells als vorläufig erweisen.
The Kyoto Protocol’s Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows developed countries to meet part of their obligational emission reductions by carrying out emission reduction projects in developing countries. China imposed a price floor to the CDM carbon credits produced in China through its price review policy. Scholars have not agreed on the purpose of China’s price review policy. With a theoretical model and a coherent empirical study, the present study shows that the price floor imposed by China’s price review is more likely to protect those domestic project owners against price discrimination, rather than to distort the CDM market. Nevertheless, China’s price review has its own flaws. Although a regression study shows month of approval, types of projects and location of project can explain 55% of price floor designation, the operation of price review remains quite random and unpredictable in individual cases. This would bring extra bureaucratically uncertainty on its way to curb market uncertainty. Its function can be fulfilled by alternative policy tools with better economic efficiency and legal legitimacy, such as mandatory price disclosure and trading forum, which doesn’t have such drawback, but still be able to alleviate possible price discrimination in individual cases.
Despite the fact that development aid has broadened from economic growth theory to include human and social capital, there is a lack of a general agreement as to its benefits. This critical review and analyses of the development aid academic and institutional discourse identifies some major shortcomings. The dominance of economics at the expense of politics, and the imposition of development aid neoliberal conditionalities act as barriers to socio-economic development in aid recipient countries. An inference is offered to recast development aid through reconciliation within critical frameworks of different sides of the political spectrum.