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Institute
Dritte im Bund: die Geliebte
(1987)
Inhalt: Brigitte Wormbs: Das Wort - Elisabeth Flitner: Verliebt, verlobt , verheiratet - und dann ? Soziologische Gedanken zum Arrangement der Geschlechter - Renate Valtin: Das Thema «Geliebte» in Zeitschriften und Illustrierten. Ein Lehrstück aus dem Patriarchat - Anke Hüper: Alltag der Geliebten - Brigitte Weidenhammer, Siegfried Zepf: «Grenzenlose Erfüllung» durch Unerfüllbarkeit ? Die Geliebte und der Mann ihrer Wahl - Luise Reddemann: «Ein kleines Paradies zu dritt . . . » Über den verbreiteten Wunschtraum, mit mehreren Partnern zu leben - Günther Bittner: Die Geliebte als magische Vervollständigung - Hildegard Baumgart: Die Bedeutung der «anderen» für die Ehefrau. Erfahrungen aus der Eheberatung - Elga Sorge: Geliebte oder Liebende ? Theologische Gedanken zur Befreiung vom Geliebtwerden - Vera Slupik: Henriette Hübsch und Ignaz Igel. Die Rechte der Geliebten - Christl Wickert: Politik vor Privatleben. Zum Selbstverständnis alleinstehender Parlamentarierinnen in der Weimarer Republik - Gisela Breitling: Die Geschöpfe des Pygmalion - Mechthild Zeul: Die Geliebte des französischen Leutnants. Psychoanalytische Deutung eines Films von Karel Reisz - Sara Lennox: Schattenriß eines Liebhabers. Traum und Wirklichkeit der Geliebten in der Prosa von DDR - Autorinnen vor der Wende - Anna Maria Stuby: «Und doch, welch Glück , geliebt zu werden !» Die Geliebte als literarischer Topos
Taking into account historical as well as sociological differences, the author distinguishes between different modes of socialism. On the periphery of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the combination of modern and traditional elements led to the establishment of hybrid political forms. They could be characterized as bureaucratic-patrimonial and associated with a specific type of state: the "peripheral socialist state".
Regionalism in Central Asia is often identified with the dominance of tribal affiliations in politics. This classification, however, is problematic because it neglects the extent of social change under the Soviet rule. In Soviet Turkmenistan state structures were relatively strong. However, personal relations within the Communist party had preserved patrimonial elements within the state. The dissolution of the Soviet Union led to a stronger patrimonialization of authority relations. In Turkmenistan, this process led to an extreme form of a neo-patrimonial state due to the personal and arbitrary rule of its president Nijazov.
According to the author, chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee in the German parliament (Bundestag), German foreign policy is based on a strong parliamentary consensus: continuing as a Western European country, co-operating with our partners in the European Union and the NATO, acting as a responsible member of UN and OSCE. Germany firmly stands up to these basic decisions, also today in a changed world, concentrating on reaching two major goals: building up a new security architecture for Europe as a whole and reuniting Europe by enlarging the European Union. Moderate and co-operate in style, Germany will continue to be a reliable partner, willing and ready to accept even more responsibilities in Europe and beyond Europe.
The ten-years presidency of Alberto Fujimori in Peru is a classic example of the sort of hybrid democracy that emerged in various Latin American countries in the 1990s, combining a mixture of democratic and clearly non-democratic elements. Fujimori was one of the more autocratic Latin American leaders of the 1990s, he is being the only regime formally to break with pre-existing constitutional rules. Closely tied to the military and intelligence apparatus, his government involved a concentration of political power that reduced the scope and autonomy of other branches of the state. But, unlike previous Latin American military dictatorships, Fujimori’s government enjoyed a considerable popularity, born out of disaffection for representative institutions. The article argues, however, that these characteristics of apparent strength carried within them the seeds of their own destruction. Far from establishing lasting political stability, the regime was weakly based. Within six weeks of his inauguration for a third term in July 2000, Fujimori was obliged to announce his intention to withdraw from politics. Two months later, he was ousted altogether.
After the democratic euphoria of the early 1990s, today the "third wave of democratization" seems to be less a triumph of political liberalism and much more a success story of a "defective" form of democracy. The authors argue that none of the strategies which can be found in contemporary democratization studies is satisfactory. They offer an alternative two-step-strategy of (1) specifying the root concept of democracy and (2) building subtypes of democracy which are based on this specified root concept. In doing so, the authors conceptualize the model of embedded democracy, from which they generate the concept of "defective democracy" and present a typology of these "defective democracies".
While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today’s Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master’s of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.
Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.
The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.
The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.