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Rankings have grown in importance in the last decades. This is particularly evident in, but not limited to, academia. In this paper, we propose a power analytical take on academic rankings as a transnational(izing) phenomenon. In doing so, we make two contributions. First, we develop a conceptual definition of rankings as consecratory institutions. After providing an overview of the most prominent types of rankings in the academic field and discussing the different forms they can take, we suggest that rankings operate through subjectivation, zero-sum comparisons, quantification, publication and generating a doxical belief. Second, we propose that rankings fulfil a strategic double function. As a particularly momentous consecratory institution, rankings propel power shifts in the academic field and beyond by preferring (and being pushed by) specific academic milieus, types of agents, paradigms, and strategies. As a dispositif, rankings operate at the intersection of different fields, open academic fields up for a lay audience and advance processes of transnationalization by facilitating new modes of governance for hubs of state institutions, private corporations, media corporations, and data providers. Concluding, we argue that the consecration and dispositif functions rely on some basic principles of the practical functioning of rankings.
In this programmatic introduction, we lay out the foundations of an approach to analyzing knowledge-based political phenomena beyond the nation state from a field perspective. We understand transnational field analysis as a research program comprising genuine theoretical and methodological assumptions. While extant research is well aware of the theoretical assumptions of transnational field analysis, there is thus far relatively little awareness of the importance of its methodological premises. Addressing this imbalanced picture, we identify five methodological principles and specify consequences for studies of transnational fields. Our approach emphasizes that performing transnational field analysis goes beyond “taking a theory to the field”; it means engaging in and reflecting upon a complex research process that simultaneously draws upon and constructs theories of fields.
Over the last few decades, a network of misogynist blogs, websites, wikis, and forums has developed, where users share their bigoted, sexist, and toxic views of society in general and masculinity and femininity in particular. This chapter outlines conceptual framework of hegemonic and hybrid masculinity. It provides a brief overview of the historical development of the manosphere and its various configurations and present our analysis of the masculinities performed by the five groups of the manosphere. The concept of hegemonic masculinity was articulated by Connell and colleagues in the 1980s as “the pattern of practice that allowed men’s dominance over women to continue.” Prior to the advent of the manosphere, an online iteration of male supremacist mobilizations, both Men’s Rights Activists and Pick-up artists developed as offline movements in the 1970s. MRAs perceive their respective societies as inherently stacked against men. This chapter analyses the masculinities of the manosphere and how they “repudiat[e] and reif[y]” hegemonic masculinity and male supremacism.
The power of opposition
(2022)
Proposing a novel way to look at the consolidation of democratic regimes, this book presents important theoretical and empirical contributions to the study of democratic consolidation, legislative organization, and public opinion.
Theoretically, Simone Wegmann brings legislatures into focus as the main body representing both winners and losers of democratic elections. Empirically, Wegmann shows that the degree of policy-making power of opposition players varies considerably between countries. Using survey data from the CSES, the ESS, and the LAPOP and systematically analyzing more than 50 legislatures across the world and the specific rights they grant to opposition players during the policy-making process, Wegmann demonstrates that neglecting the curial role of the legislature in a democratic setting can only lead to an incomplete assessment of the importance of institutions for democratic consolidation.
The Power of Opposition will be of great interest to scholars of comparative politics, especially those working on questions related to legislative organization, democratic consolidation, and/or public opinion.
Don’t settle for less
(2021)
Agricultural production worldwide has been increasing in the last decades at a very fast pace and with it the waste generation. Livestock activities are one of the largest producers of residues in the agricultural sector and contribute greatly to climate change. The present chapter gives an introduction and an in-depth analysis of the waste management of livestock for the conversion in a circular agriculture and economy based on research and experience in the sector conducted in the last decades. The conversion of animal waste into energy generation is an opportunity for farmers to obtain additional economic benefits, while contributing to the environment by preventing the release of GHGs into the atmosphere. The use of animal waste for energy generation through anaerobic digestion is a progressive technique and is being widely accepted in Europe, where Germany is the leading country in the use of biogas plants for energy production among others in the European Union. Economically speaking, the livestock industry faces the challenge of converting its production into a clean and more profitable production. The goal of this chapter is to analyze the economic benefit as well as the environmental contribution and future challenges of the use of livestock waste in the biorefineries sector from different perspectives, based on an intensive literature review. This review is accompanied by a geospatial analysis component, mapping biogas reactor hotspots and clusters in Germany, by means of methods of spatial statistics as analysis methods as kernel density estimations (KDE) and K-means clustering, based on volunteer geographic data. The applied methods easily can be transferred to other regions and allow a quick macroscopic overview over existing biogas reactors; furthermore, an identification of cluster and hotspots with a high biogas potential, that in a subsequent step can be analyzed in depth in larger scales.
Gender at the crossroads
(2023)
Since the early 2000s, the United Nations (UN) global counterterrorism architecture has seen significant changes towards increased multilateralism, a focus on prevention, and inter-institutional coordination across the UN’s three pillars of work. Throughout this reform process, gender aspects have increasingly become presented as a “cross-cutting” theme. In this article, I investigate the role of gender in the UN’s counterterrorism reform process at the humanitarian-development-peace nexus, or “triple nexus”, from a feminist institutionalist perspective. I conduct a feminist discourse analysis of the counterterrorism discourses of three UN entities, which represent the different UN pillars of peace and security (DPO), development (UNDP), and humanitarianism and human rights (OHCHR). The article examines the role of gender in the inter-institutional reform process by focusing on the changes, overlaps and differences in the discursive production of gender in the entities’ counterterrorism agendas over time and in two recent UN counterterrorism conferences. I find that gendered dynamics of nested newness and institutional layering have played an essential role both as a justification for the involvement of individual entities in counterterrorism and as a vehicle for inter-institutional cooperation and struggle for discursive power.
Introduction
(2023)
Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism. As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional counterterrorism and countering violent extremism (CT/CVE) initiatives, in national action plans, and at the level of civil society programming, have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, aspects of our own research have turned in the past years to explore how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of terrorism and violent extremism and how this development has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in CT policymaking and implementation. We were inspired by the growing literature on gender and CT/CVE, and critical scholarship on terrorism and political violence, to bring together a collection of new research addressing these questions.
This book brings together a variety of innovative perspectives on the inclusion of gender in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism.
Several global governance initiatives launched in recent years have explicitly sought to integrate concern for gender equality and gendered harms into efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism (CT/CVE). As a result, commitments to gender-sensitivity and gender equality in international and regional CT/CVE initiatives, in national action plans and at the level of civil society programming, ´have become a common aspect of the multilevel governance of terrorism and violent extremism. In light of these developments, there is a need for more systematic analysis of how concerns about gender are being incorporated in the governance of (counter-)terrorism and violent extremism and how it has affected (gendered) practices and power relations in counterterrorism policy-making and implementation.
Ranging from the processes of global and regional integration of gender into the governance of terrorism, via the impact of the shift on government responses to the return of foreign fighters, to state and civil society-led CVE programming and academic discussions, the essays engage with the origins and dynamics behind recent shifts which bring gender to the forefront of the governance of terrorism. This book will be of great value to researchers and scholars interested in gender, governance and terrorism.
The chapters in this book were originally published in Critical Studies on Terrorism.
Atwood (2022) analyzes the effects of the 1963 U.S. measles vaccination on longrun labor market outcomes, using a generalized difference-in-differences approach. We reproduce the results of this paper and perform a battery of robustness checks. Overall, we confirm that the measles vaccination had positive labor market effects. While the negative effect on the likelihood of living in poverty and the positive effect on the probability of being employed are very robust across the different specifications, the headline estimate-the effect on earnings-is more sensitive to the exclusion of certain regions and survey years.
From laggards to leaders
(2021)
The 2015 Paris Agreement on climate change embraces the participation of non-state actors in a separate governance track – the ‘Non-state actor zone for global action’ (nazca) – that runs alongside the formal track of unfccc negotiations and the implementation of the Paris Agreement by State Parties through ‘nationally determined contributions’. unfccc Secretariat is entrusted with orchestrating non-state global and transnational initiatives, partnerships and networks. The involvement of non-state actors in the implementation of the Paris Agreement helps to address an action gap by countries that are unable or unwilling to implement ambitious ndcs.
However, the increased prominence of initiatives driven by non-state actors also increases their direct and indirect influence on processes and rules which raises a number of questions with regards to the legitimacy of action and the democratic deficit of the global climate regime. Balancing legitimacy with effectiveness requires non-state initiatives to ensure transparent and inclusive governance, and accountability towards progress against their goals and pledges.
Despite its encouragement towards private initiatives, the Paris Agreement creates surprisingly little regulatory space for non-state actors to gain hold. Neither are there measures that would link ndcs to nazca initiatives, nor are functional requirements such as transparency or reporting extended to non-state initiatives. While the Paris Agreement marks an important step towards harnessing private sector ability and ambition for climate action, more remains to be done to create a truly enabling framework for private action to strive and complement public efforts to address climate change.
The politics of fear
(2022)
From victims to activists
(2022)
The EU and its member countries have been laggards in using forest carbon to reduce EU emissions. The European Green Deal aims to change this. As part of its long-term emissions reductions, the EU aims to offset this by creating land-based carbon sinks, especially forest carbon sinks as well as carbon capture and storage. This chapter focuses on the role of forest carbon as part of the EU's climate policies towards achieving net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. It furthermore examines the European Commission's proposed forest strategy and its proposal for a revised LULUCF Regulation. The chapter shows that the logic of appropriateness dominates the European Commission's forest policies. Finally, the chapter makes policy recommendations on how the EU could credibly use long-term carbon sinks to achieve climate neutrality.
Long-term environmental policy remains a vexing puzzle of environmental policy. Following its definition, the author reviews the methods suitable for the study of long-term environmental policy and develops a typology of policy instruments to cope with these challenges. The concluding section offers five central research challenges to advance the study of long-term environmental policy.
Effectiveness
(2021)
Challenges, triggers and initiators of climate policies and implications for policy formulation
(2020)
Werner Krause and Christina Gahn argue that we need to pay more attention to how the media communicates the results of opinion polls to the public. Reporting methodological details, such as margins of error, can alter citizens’ vote choices on election day. This has important implications for elections around the world
The impact of civilian harm on strategic outcomes in war has been the subject of persistent debate. However, the literature has primarily focused on civilian casualties, thereby overlooking the targeting of civilian infrastructure, which is a recurrent phenomenon during war. This study fills this gap by examining the targeting of healthcare, one of the most indispensable infrastructures during war and peace time. We contend that attacks on medical facilities are distinct from direct violence against civilians. Because they are typically unrelated to military dynamics, the targeting of hospitals is a highly visible form and powerful signal of civilian victimization. To assess its effects, we analyze newly collected data on such attacks by pro-government forces and event data on combat activities in Northwest Syria (2017-2020). Applying a new approach for panel data analysis that combines matching methods with a difference-in-differences estimation, we examine the causal effect of counterinsurgent bombings on subsequent violent events. Distinguishing between regime-initiated and insurgent-initiated combat activities and their associated fatalities, we find that the targeting of hospitals increases insurgent violence. We supplement the quantitative analysis with unique qualitative evidence derived from interviews, which demonstrates that hospital bombings induce rebels to resist more fiercely through two mechanisms: intrinsic motivations and civilian pressure. The results have important implications for the effects of state-led violence and the strength of legal norms that protect noncombatants.
This paper starts from the premise that Western states are connected to some of the harms refugees suffer from. It specifically focuses on the harm of acts of misrecognition and its relation to epistemic injustice that refugees suffer from in refugee camps, in detention centers, and during their desperate attempts to find refuge. The paper discusses the relation between hermeneutical injustice and acts of misrecognition, showing that these two phenomena are interconnected and that acts of misrecognition are particularly damaging when (a) they stretch over different contexts, leaving us without or with very few safe spaces, and (b) they dislocate us, leaving us without a community to turn to. The paper then considers the ways in which refugees experience acts of misrecognition and suffer from hermeneutical injustice, using the case of unaccompanied children at the well-known and overcrowded camp Moria in Greece, the case of unsafe detention centers in Libya, and the case of the denial to assistance on the Mediterranean and the resulting pushbacks from international waters to Libya as well as the preventable drowning of refugees in the Mediterranean to illustrate the arguments. Finally, the paper argues for specific duties toward refugees that result from the prior arguments on misrecognition and hermeneutical injustice.
This study evaluates the challenges, institutional impacts and responses of German local authorities to the COVID-19 pandemic from a political science point of view. The main research question is how they have contributed to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and to what extent the strengths and weaknesses of the German model of municipal autonomy have influenced their policy. It analyses the adaptation strategies of German local authorities and assesses the effectiveness of their actions up to now. Their implementation is then evaluated in five selected issues, e.g. adjustment organization and staff, challenges for local finances, local politics and citizen’s participation. This analysis is reflecting the scientific debate in Germany since the beginning of 2020, based on the available analyses of political science, law, economics, sociology and geography until end of March 2021.
After some seventy years of intensive debates, there is an increasingly strong consensus within the academic and practitioner communities that development is both an objective and a process towards improving the quality of people's lives in various societal dimensions – economic, social, environmental, cultural and political – and about how subjectively satisfied they are with it. Since 2015, the seventeen Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations (UN) reflect such consensus. The sections behind this argument are based on a review of (i) three key theoretical contributions to development and different phases of development thinking; (ii) global and regional governance arrangements and institutions for development cooperation; (iii) upcoming challenges to development policy and practice stemming from a series of new global challenges; and, (iv) development policy as a long and steady, increasingly global and participatory learning process.
Many prediction tasks can be done based on users’ trace data. This paper explores divergent and convergent thinking as person-related attributes and predicts them based on features gathered in an online course. We use the logfile data of a short Moodle course, combined with an image test (IMT), the Alternate Uses Task (AUT), the Remote Associates Test (RAT), and creative self-efficacy (CSE). Our results show that originality and elaboration metrics can be predicted with an accuracy of ~.7 in cross-validation, whereby predicting fluency and RAT scores perform worst. CSE items can be predicted with an accuracy of ~.45. The best performing model is a Random Forest Tree, where the features were reduced using a Linear Discriminant Analysis in advance. The promising results can help to adjust online courses to the learners’ needs based on their creative performances.
The devil in disguise
(2021)
Envy constitutes a serious issue on Social Networking Sites (SNSs), as this painful emotion can severely diminish individuals' well-being. With prior research mainly focusing on the affective consequences of envy in the SNS context, its behavioral consequences remain puzzling. While negative interactions among SNS users are an alarming issue, it remains unclear to which extent the harmful emotion of malicious envy contributes to these toxic dynamics. This study constitutes a first step in understanding malicious envy’s causal impact on negative interactions within the SNS sphere. Within an online experiment, we experimentally induce malicious envy and measure its immediate impact on users’ negative behavior towards other users. Our findings show that malicious envy seems to be an essential factor fueling negativity among SNS users and further illustrate that this effect is especially pronounced when users are provided an objective factor to mask their envy and justify their norm-violating negative behavior.
The metaverse is envisioned as a virtual shared space facilitated by emerging technologies such as virtual reality (VR), augmented reality (AR), the Internet of Things (IoT), 5G, artificial intelligence (AI), big data, spatial computing, and digital twins (Allam et al., 2022; Dwivedi et al., 2022; Ravenscraft, 2022; Wiles, 2022). While still a nascent concept, the metaverse has the potential to “transform the physical world, as well as transport or extend physical activities to a virtual world” (Wiles, 2022). Big data technologies will also be essential in managing the enormous amounts of data created in the metaverse (Sun et al., 2022). Metaverse technologies can offer the public sector a host of benefits, such as simplified information exchange, stronger communication with citizens, better access to public services, or benefiting from a new virtual economy. Implementations are underway in several cities around the world (Geraghty et al., 2022). In this paper, we analyze metaverse opportunities for the public sector and explore their application in the context of Germany’s Federal Employment Agency. Based on an analysis of academic literature and practical examples, we create a capability map for potential metaverse business capabilities for different areas of the public sector (broadly defined). These include education (virtual training and simulation, digital campuses that offer not just online instruction but a holistic university campus experience, etc.), tourism (virtual travel to remote locations and museums, virtual festival participation, etc.), health (employee training – as for emergency situations, virtual simulations for patient treatment – for example, for depression or anxiety, etc.), military (virtual training to experience operational scenarios without being exposed to a real-world threats, practice strategic decision-making, or gain technical knowledge for operating and repairing equipment, etc.), administrative services (document processing, virtual consultations for citizens, etc.), judiciary (AI decision-making aids, virtual proceedings, etc.), public safety (virtual training for procedural issues, special operations, or unusual situations, etc.), emergency management (training for natural disasters, etc.), and city planning (visualization of future development projects and interactive feedback, traffic management, attraction gamification, etc.), among others. We further identify several metaverse application areas for Germany's Federal Employment Agency. These applications can help it realize the goals of the German government for digital transformation that enables faster, more effective, and innovative government services. They include training of employees, training of customers, and career coaching for customers. These applications can be implemented using interactive learning games with AI agents, virtual representations of the organizational spaces, and avatars interacting with each other in these spaces. Metaverse applications will both use big data (to design the virtual environments) and generate big data (from virtual interactions). Issues related to data availability, quality, storage, processing (and related computing power requirements), interoperability, sharing, privacy and security will need to be addressed in these emerging metaverse applications (Sun et al., 2022). Special attention is needed to understand the potential for power inequities (wealth inequity, algorithmic bias, digital exclusion) due to technologies such as VR (Egliston & Carter, 2021), harmful surveillance practices (Bibri & Allam, 2022), and undesirable user behavior or negative psychological impacts (Dwivedi et al., 2022). The results of this exploratory study can inform public sector organizations of emerging metaverse opportunities and enable them to develop plans for action as more of the metaverse technologies become a reality. While the metaverse body of research is still small and research agendas are only now starting to emerge (Dwivedi et al., 2022), this study offers a building block for future development and analysis of metaverse applications.
While school supervision structures in the German Länder were extensively reformed during the last decades, systematic analyses of these reforms are missing. This chapter contributes to this research gap by providing an overview of the implemented reforms of school supervision structures in the German Länder. The effects of these reforms are analysed in order to answer the question of whether a convergence of school supervision systems is a result of these reforms. In a first step, a distinction is made to identify system-changing reforms. Although a decrease of the number or a concentration on one school supervision system is not a result of the analysis, it is argued that there is a convergence of school supervision structures, as a clear trend against school supervision systems with lower school supervisory boards can be observed.
Immune to COVID?
(2021)
The COVID-19 virus has hit Germany as unexpectedly as other European countries. For a few weeks, Germans thought that COVID-19 was an issue for Asian states and not for their country. Although Germany continues to be affected by the coronavirus, the situation is nowhere as dire as it was in Britain, Italy or Spain. The race to lift restrictions in Germany began in May, and by early June, the country may be back to normal. Germany, with its enormous financial resources and a well-equipped medical sector, appears to be better placed than other economies to weather the storm.
Germany as a leading power
(2020)
Since the beginning of the recent global refugee crisis, researchers have been tackling many of its associated aspects, investigating how we can help to alleviate this crisis, in particular, using ICTs capabilities. In our research, we investigated the use of ICT solutions by refugees to foster the social inclusion process in the host community. To tackle this topic, we conducted thirteen interviews with Syrian refugees in Germany. Our findings reveal different ICT usages by refugees and how these contribute to feeling empowered. Moreover, we show the sources of empowerment for refugees that are gained by ICT use. Finally, we identified the two types of social inclusion benefits that were derived from empowerment sources. Our results provide practical implications to different stakeholders and decision-makers on how ICT usage can empower refugees, which can foster the social inclusion of refugees, and what should be considered to support them in their integration effort.
Since the beginning of the recent global refugee crisis, researchers have been tackling many of its associated aspects, investigating how we can help to alleviate this crisis, in particular, using ICTs capabilities. In our research, we investigated the use of ICT solutions by refugees to foster the social inclusion process in the host community. To tackle this topic, we conducted thirteen interviews with Syrian refugees in Germany. Our findings reveal different ICT usages by refugees and how these contribute to feeling empowered. Moreover, we show the sources of empowerment for refugees that are gained by ICT use. Finally, we identified the two types of social inclusion benefits that were derived from empowerment sources. Our results provide practical implications to different stakeholders and decision-makers on how ICT usage can empower refugees, which can foster the social inclusion of refugees, and what should be considered to support them in their integration effort.
We conduct a laboratory experiment to study how locus of control operates through people's preferences and beliefs to influence their decisions. Using the principal-agent setting of the delegation game, we test four key channels that conceptually link locus of control to decision-making: (i) preference for agency; (ii) optimism and (iii) confidence regarding the return to effort; and (iv) illusion of control. Knowing the return and cost of stated effort, principals either retain or delegate the right to make an investment decision that generates payoffs for themselves and their agents. Extending the game to the context in which the return to stated effort is unknown allows us to explicitly study the relationship between locus of control and beliefs about the return to effort. We find that internal locus of control is linked to the preference for agency, an effect that is driven by women. We find no evidence that locus of control influences optimism and confidence about the return to stated effort, or that it operates through an illusion of control.
The contribution explores how an understanding of neoliberal subjectification in socio-economic education can serve to counteract the trend marketisation of democracy. Drawing on Foucault’s lectures on biopolitics and Brown’s current analysis of neoliberalism, it lays out a sociological explanation that treats the idea of homo economicus as a structuring element of our society and outlines the threat this poses to the liberal democratic order. The second part of the contribution outlines – through immanent critique – an ideology-critical analytical competence that uses key problems to illuminate socially critical perspectives on social reality. The objective is to challenge some of the foundations of social order (Salomon, D. Kritische politische Bildung. Ein Versuch. In B. Widmaier & Overwien, B. (Hrsg.), Was heißt heute kritische politische Bildung? (S. 232–239). Wochenschau, 2013) in pursuit of the ultimate objective of an educated and assertive citizenry.
Nils-Hendrik Grohmann beschäftigt sich mit dem noch andauernden Stärkungsprozess der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane. Er analysiert, welche rechtlichen Befugnisse die Ausschüsse haben, ob sie von sich aus Vorschläge einbringen können und inwieweit sie ihre Verfahrensweisen bisher aufeinander abgestimmt haben. Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt liegt auf der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den verschiedenen Ausschüssen und der Frage, welche Rolle das Treffen der Vorsitzenden bei der Stärkung spielen kann.
Extreme-right terrorism is a threat that is often underestimated by the public at large. As this paper argues, this is partly due to a concept of terrorism utilized by policymakers, intelligence agents, and police investigators that is based on experience of international terrorism perpetrated by leftists or jihadists as opposed to domestic extreme-right violence. This was one reason why investigators failed to identify the crimes committed by the National Socialist Underground (NSU) in Germany (2000–2011) as extreme-right terrorism, for example. While scholarly debate focused on the Red Army Faction and Al Qaeda, terrorist tendencies among those perpetrating racist and extreme-right violence tended to be disregarded. Influential researchers in the field of “extremism” denied that terrorist acts were committed by right-wingers. By mapping the specifics regarding the strategic use of violence, target selection, addressing of different audiences etc., this paper proposes a more accurate definition of extreme-right terrorism. In comparing it to other forms of terrorism, extreme-right terrorism is distinguished by its specific framework of ideologies and practices, with the underlying idea of an essential inequality that is compensated for through the affirmation of violence. It can be differentiated from other forms of extreme-right violence based on its use of strategic, premeditated and planned attacks against targets of a symbolic nature.
Nils-Hendrik Grohmann beschäftigt sich mit dem noch andauernden Stärkungsprozess der UN-Menschenrechtsvertragsorgane. Er analysiert, welche rechtlichen Befugnisse die Ausschüsse haben, ob sie von sich aus Vorschläge einbringen können und inwieweit sie ihre Verfahrensweisen bisher aufeinander abgestimmt haben. Ein weiterer Schwerpunkt liegt auf der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den verschiedenen Ausschüssen und der Frage, welche Rolle das Treffen der Vorsitzenden bei der Stärkung spielen kann.
Looking for participation
(2022)
A stronger learner orientation through participatory learning increases learning motivation and results. But what does participatory learning mean? Where do learning factories and fabrication laboratories (FabLabs) stand in this context, and how can didactic implementation be improved in this respect? Using a newly developed analytical framework, which contains elements of the stage model of participation and general media didactics, we compare a FabLab and a learning factory example concerning the degree of participation. From this, we derive guidelines for designing participative teaching and learning processes in learning factories. We explain how FabLabs can be an inspiration for the didactic design of learning factories.