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On 6 June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon to fight the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Between August 1982 and February 1984, the US, France, Britain and Italy deployed a Multinational Force (MNF) to Beirut. Its task was to act as an interposition force to bolster the government and to bring peace to the people. The mission is often forgotten or merely remembered in context with the bombing of US Marines’ barracks. However, an analysis of the Italian contingent shows that the MNF was not doomed to fail and could accomplish its task when operational and diplomatic efforts were coordinated. The Italian commander in Beirut, General Franco Angioni, followed a successful approach that sustained neutrality, respectful behaviour and minimal force, which resulted in a qualified success of the Italian efforts.
Advanced mechatronic systems have to integrate existing technologies from mechanical, electrical and software engineering. They must be able to adapt their structure and behavior at runtime by reconfiguration to react flexibly to changes in the environment. Therefore, a tight integration of structural and behavioral models of the different domains is required. This integration results in complex reconfigurable hybrid systems, the execution logic of which cannot be addressed directly with existing standard modeling, simulation, and code-generation techniques. We present in this paper how our component-based approach for reconfigurable mechatronic systems, MECHATRONIC UML, efficiently handles the complex interplay of discrete behavior and continuous behavior in a modular manner. In addition, its extension to even more flexible reconfiguration cases is presented.
This essay aims at discussing the new literature on Franco-German relations during the period 1918-1930. It highlights how many works now question the idea that the Treaty of Versailles and the European order that ensued inevitably wore within themselves the seeds of a new war. On the contrary, by examining in particular the detente efforts of the Twenties, the most recent historiography often emphasizes how the inevitability of the authoritarian turn of Twenties and Thirties, which led to the Second World War, has often been exaggerated by historians and that different paths could have been undertaken.
The German Sonderweg thesis has been discarded in most research fields. Yet in regards to the military, things differ: all conflicts before the Second World War are interpreted as prelude to the war of extermination between 1939-1945. This article specifically looks at the Franco-Prussian War 1870-71 and German behaviour vis-a-vis regular combatants, civilians and irregular guerrilla fighters, the so-called francs-tireurs. The author argues that the counter-measures were not exceptional for nineteenth century warfare and also shows how selective reading of the existing secondary literature has distorted our view on the war.
A prelude to total war?
(2018)
The conflict between Italy and Ethiopia in 1935–36 has been framed as a prelude to the Second World War and as a watershed towards ‘Total War’. One perspective has so far been neglected: the assessments of foreign military observers. This article examines American, British, German, and Austrian views on the operations and thereby also analyses the mindset of European officers at the time. The core argument emerging from these reports is that the war was perceived as a rather ‘normal’ colonial conflict. Neither the use of gas, nor the employment of aircraft against civilians was seen as a taboo or created significant outrage among the military observers. Instead, they lauded the Italians’ steady logistical efforts and employment of artillery and airpower to overcome nature and the enemy’s resistance.
A right to research?
(2023)
This paper examines the role of the conservative foreign policy establishment in the decision-making process leading to the Nazi invasion of Poland in September 1939. Post-war statements by German diplomats portrayed the conservative elite as reluctant participants in Hitler's drive to war. However, an examination of the foreign policy views of German conservatives reveals a significant degree of convergence with Nazi goals in their desire to revise Germany's post-Versailles borders with Poland. In order to understand the role of the German diplomatic elite, it is also necessary to understand the degree to which foreign policy was subject to the same "polycracy" of decision-making instances that characterised the structure of the "Third Reich" in general. While Hitler had relied on the conservative elites, including the Foreign Ministry and the military, their influence on decision-making was waning by 1938-1939
Achtsam Wissen schaffen
(2020)
"Aggredior ad ipsum crimen magiae." Mit diesen Worten leitet Apuleius die Widerlegung der gegen ihn gerichteten Anklage ein: Er soll die reiche Witwe Pudentilla durch Liebeszauber zu einer Heirat mit ihm veranlasst haben. Dagegen setzt er sich in seiner Verteidigungsrede "De magia" zur Wehr. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll diese spannende Rede Lateinschülern der gymnasialen Oberstufe durch ein Lektüreheft bekannt machen. Letzteres ist mit kompetenzorientierten Aufgaben und einem Erwartungshorizont versehen. Es wird ferner von der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit den in der Rede behandelten Themen flankiert. Das Heft soll den Schülern einerseits die argumentative Strategie der Rede und andererseits das antike Alltagsphänomen 'Magie' näherbringen. Dabei tauchen sie ein in die antiken Vorstellungen von Zauberei und versuchen zugleich die einstigen Vorwürfe der Ankläger zu rekonstruieren, die etwa die Suche nach bestimmten Fischarten, die Behandlung von Epilepsie oder gewisse nächtliche Rituale betreffen. Darüber hinaus fragen sie nach der Unterscheidung magischer von religiösen Praktiken und stellen dabei Bezüge zu ihrer eigenen Lebenswelt her.