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The Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPSA) is an international framework addressing the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women and girls and promoting their meaningful participation in peacebuilding efforts. The Security Council called on Member States to develop National Action Plans (NAPs) to operationalize the four pillars of the Agenda. This study looks at the relevant steps undertaken by both Germany and the European Union. The author calls for improvements on either level and makes four recommendations.
Aus dem Inhalt:
- Dimensionen von Macht – Unter Betrachtung des ethischen Berufskodex, der professionellen Haltung und systemimmanenten Dilemmata im ungarischen Kinderschutzsystem
– Das 12. Zusatzprotokoll zur EMRK – Chancen und Potenziale eines allgemeinen und umfassenden Diskriminierungsverbots
- Zum aktuellen Stand und zu aktuellen Fragen des Menschenrechtsschutzes von LGBTQI+-Personen
- Fragen nach gerechter Verteilung – eine menschenrechtliche Analyse der Allokation am Beispiel von COVID-19-Impfstoffen für Ältere
- Extraterritorial Constitutional Rights: A Comparative Case Study of the United States and Germany*
- Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Menschenrechtsausschusses der Vereinten Nationen im Jahre 2022 – Teil II: Individualbeschwerden
Thus far, research into reservations to treaties has often overlooked reservations formulated to both European Social Charters (and its Protocols) and the relevant European Committee of Social Rights practices. There are several pressing reasons to further explore this gap in existing literature. First, an analysis of practices within the European Social Charters (and Protocols) will provide a fuller picture of the reservations and responses of treaty bodies. Second, in the context of previous landmark events it is worth noting the practices of another human rights treaty monitoring body that is often omitted from analyses. Third, the very fact that the formulation of reservations to treaties gives parties such far-reaching flexibility to shape their contractual obligations (à la carte) is surprising. An important outcome of the research is the finding that, despite the far-reaching flexibility present in the treaties analysed, both the States Parties and the European Committee of Social Rights generally treat them as conventional treaties to which the general rules on reservations apply. Consequently, there is no basis for assuming that the mere fact of adopting the à la carte system in a treaty with no reservation clause implies a formal prohibition of reservations or otherwise discourages their formulation.
Dispersing the fog
(2020)
Countries in the Middle East generally fare poorly in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index. One of the biggest challenges for the anti-corruption-regime in the Middle East are the many forms of corruption that are not being recognised as such on the local level, if assessed against a culturally relativistic benchmark. Our paper seeks to establish a unifying ground by providing a functional analysis of corruption which is both, normatively guiding and culturally sensitive. We demarcate our work as follows: (1) our reference point will be the phenomenon of institutional corruption, whereas (2) our working definition of corruption will conceive of corruption as a violation of role-specific norms that is motivated by the role-occupier’s private motives. In an attempt to offer a comprehensive approach, corruption will be viewed on two differing levels. On the external level, we will begin with an investigation of features within a norm-order that typically instantiate corruption. We will argue that corruption is externally conditioned by an authority’s inability to enforce and (re)establish the norms of conduct that ought to be action-guiding in office. This changes the expectation-structure within a norm-order and erodes public trust in the authorities, giving rise to willing perpetrators. Complementing this, the internal level of our framework will emphasize the motivational deficits of corrupt acts. It will be argued that this deficit can typically be found in societies that lack civic virtues. This, we suspect, is the functional reason why corrupt societies have such a hard time to overcome the problem: they lack both features and are, as a consequence, caught in a vicious circle as they struggle to strengthen civil society and consolidate institutional structures – whereas corruption increasingly disappears from the radar as it becomes accepted reality.
Der Beitrag führt die Berichterstattung des MenschenRechtsZentrums über die Arbeit des Menschenrechtsausschusses der Vereinten Nationen fort. Er thematisiert insbesondere die im Jahr 2022 erfolgten obligatorischen Staatenberichtsverfahren nach Art. 40 des Zivilpakts. Im Staatenbericht wird dargelegt, welche Maßnahmen die Vertragsstaaten zur Gewährleistung der Rechte des Zivilpaktes getroffen haben. Im anschließenden Verfahren werden im Rahmen eines konstruktiven Dialogs mit dem betreffenden Staat Fragen zu Problemen (List of Issues) erörtert. Die Ergebnisse des Berichtsverfahrens fasst der Ausschuss in seinen Abschließenden Bemerkungen (Concluding Observations) zusammen. Am Ende seiner Abschließenden Bemerkungen stellt der Ausschuss einige Punkte heraus und fordert den Staat dazu auf, über Fortschritte in diesem Bereich nunmehr innerhalb von drei Jahren zu berichten (sog. Follow-up-Verfahren). Im Berichtszeitraum 2022 setzte sich der Ausschuss während seiner drei Sitzungen mit der Menschenrechtslage in 17 Vertragsstaaten auseinander. Thematische Schwerpunkte, die Gegenstand des Follow-up-Verfahrens wurden, bildeten Fälle von Gewalt gegen Frauen, insbesondere ein Anstieg an Fällen häuslicher Gewalt, die Einschränkungen der Meinungs- sowie der Versammlungsfreiheit und rechtsstaatliche Versäumnisse. Darüber hinaus wurden vielerorts die Bedingungen in Hafteinrichtungen und die Situation von Arbeitsmigrant:innen thematisiert.
Aus dem Inhalt:
- Menschenrechtsklagen vor Zivilgerichten in Deutschland – Eine Bestandsaufnahme der methodisch-rechtspolitischen Ansätze im Internationalen Privatrecht (IPR)
- Das Vorsorgeprinzip – ein unterschätzter Bestandteil menschenrechtlicher Klimaklagen?
- Der Menschenrechtsausschuss der Vereinten Nationen und die Klimakrise – Die Entscheidung Billy et al. gegen Australien und ihr Beitrag zur „Begrünung“ des Menschenrechtsschutzes
The last years have been affected by Covid-19 and the international emergency mecha-nism to deal with health-related threats. The effects of this period manifested differ-ently worldwide, depending on matters such as international relations, national policies, power dynamics etc. Additionally, the impact of this time will likely have long-term effects which are yet to be known. This paper gives a critical overview of the Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) mechanism in the context of Covid-19. It does so by explaining the legal framework for states of emergency, specifically in the context of a PHEIC, while considering its restrictions and limitations on human rights. It further outlines issues in the manifestation of global protections and limitations on human rights during Covid-19. Lastly, considering the likelihood of future PHEICs and the known systemic obstructions, this paper offers ways to im-prove this mechanism from a holistic, non-zero-sum perspective.