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Generalized Two-Level Grammar (GTWOL) provides a new method for compilation of parallel replacement rules into transducers. The current paper identifies the role of generalized lenient composition (GLC) in this method. Thanks to the GLC operation, the compilation method becomes bipartite and easily extendible to capture various application modes. In the light of three notions of obligatoriness, a modification to the compilation method is proposed. We argue that the bipartite design makes implementation of parallel obligatoriness, directionality, length and rank based application modes extremely easy, which is the main result of the paper.
Die Verbesserung der sozialen Teilhabe eines Kindes ohne ausreichende Lautsprache steht im Fokus der Versorgung mit Unterstützter Kommunikation. Die Schnittstelle Alltag ist für die Intervention mit Unterstützter Kommunikation besonders wichtig, da das unterstützt kommunizierende Kind in seiner alltäglichen Kommunikation extrem abhängig von seinem sozialen Umfeld ist. Die Bezugspersonen müssen die Hilfsmittel und ihre Verwendung gut kennen, Kommunikationssituationen spezifisch gestalten und individuell abgestimmte Sprachlehr- und Kommunikationsstrategien einsetzen. Dass dieser Transfer gelingt, ist Aufgabe der Sprachtherapie. Der Sprachtherapie stehen dazu verschiedene Modelle zur Verfügung: das bio-psycho-soziale Modell der Internationalen Klassifikation der Funktionsfähigkeit, Behinderung und Gesundheit der WHO (ICF) und Modelle, die aus dem Fachgebiet der Unterstützten Kommunikation selbst stammen, wie das Kooperative Partizipationsmodell, Fähigkeitskontinuum und Modell kommunikativer Kompetenz. Die Umsetzung der Modelle in die Praxis wird anhand eines Fallbeispiels veranschaulicht. Letztendlich geht es um die natürliche Nutzung von Unterstützter Kommunikation in echten Kommunikationssituationen und um die langfristige Unterstützung der Entwicklung hin zu Fähigkeiten, selbstinitiiert und unabhängig kommunizieren zu können.
This chapter takes the ongoing conflict in South Sudan as a starting point for assessing the concept of transitional justice as such and its implementation in the country in particular. Following a brief description of the conflict and the peace processes, the author sheds light on the shortcomings of the established concept of transitional justice in the situation at hand. Then, the author outlines the alternate concept of transformational justice und takes a closer look at its implications on the situation in South Sudan. The author highlights existing initiatives of transformative justice and is very much in favour of their victim-centered approach.
Different properties of programs, implemented in Constraint Handling Rules (CHR), have already been investigated. Proving these properties in CHR is fairly simpler than proving them in any type of imperative programming language, which triggered the proposal of a methodology to map imperative programs into equivalent CHR. The equivalence of both programs implies that if a property is satisfied for one, then it is satisfied for the other. The mapping methodology could be put to other beneficial uses. One such use is the automatic generation of global constraints, at an attempt to demonstrate the benefits of having a rule-based implementation for constraint solvers.
While the concept of transitional justice and its range of measures have gained importance on an international level to come to terms with major crimes of the past, colonial crimes and mass violence committed by Western actors have not been addressed by transitional justice so far. In this chapter, the Herero’s and Nama’s struggle for justice for the genocide on their ancestors by Germany from 1904 – 1908 and the arising challenges are set in relation to conceptual debates in the field of transitional justice. Building on current debates in the field, suggesting more structural and transformative conceptualizations of transitional justice and an approach ‘from below’, it is argued that decolonial activism of formerly colonized communities and transitional justice debates can inform each other in a dialogic and fruitful form to formulate suggestions for a process towards post-colonial justice.
Transitional Justice
(2022)
This publication deals with the topic of transitional justice. In six case studies, the authors link theoretical and practical implications in order to develop some innovative approaches. Their proposals might help to deal more effectively with the transition of societies, legal orders and political systems.
Young academics from various backgrounds provide fresh insights and demonstrate the relevance of the topic. The chapters analyse transitions and conflicts in Sierra Leone, Argentina, Nicaragua, Nepal, and South Sudan as well as Germany’s colonial genocide in Namibia. Thus, the book provides the reader with new insights and contributes to the ongoing debate about transitional justice.
At different times and places, civic engagement in nonviolent resistance (NVR) has repeatedly shown to be an effective tool in times of conflict to initiate societal change from below. History teaches us that there have been successes (Mahatma Gandhi in India) and failures (the Tiananmen Square protests in China).
Along with the recognition of the duality between transformative potential and stark consequences, the historical development of NVR was accompanied by the emergence of scholarly debate, fractured along disputes around purpose, character and effectivity of nonviolent actions taken by civil society stakeholders engaged in making their voices heard. One of the field’s current points of interest is the examination of the long-term effects of NVR movements resulting in societal transformation on the stability and adequacy of a subsequently altered or emerging democracy, suggesting that NVR contributes positively to the sustainable and representative design of an egalitarian governing system.
The conclusion of the Nepalese civil war in 2006 should pose as an unambiguous example for the illustration of this phenomenon, but simultaneously raises the question why there was no successful implementation of a transitional process focusing on the needs of the victims.
This paper aims to contribute a different approach to transitional justice, one in which political decisions are rocketed to the forefront of the research. Theory asserts that, after a transition to democracy, it is the constituency who defines the direction a country will take. Therefore, pleasing them should be at the fore of the responses taken by those in power. However, reality distances itself from theory. History provides us with many examples of the contrary, which indicates that the politicization of transitional justice is an ever-present event. The first section will outline current definitions and obstacles faced by transitional justice, focusing on the implicit ties between them and the aforementioned politicization. An original categorization of Transitional Justice as a method of analysis will also be introduced, which I denominate Political Opportunism. The case of Argentina, a country that is usually described as a model to export but that after 35 years is still dealing with the consequences brought by the contradictions of using several methods of justice, will then be reinterpreted through this perspective. At the end of the paper, the inevitable question will be posed: can this new angle be exported and implemented in every transition?