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»Plus outre« – immer weiter
(2022)
»Ich hab eine Idee!«
(2022)
Das Praxissemester, in dem die Studierenden mehrere Monate am Schulleben teilhaben, ist ein wichtiger Bestandteil schulpraktischer Ausbildung geworden. Die vielfältigen Ziele schließen den Kompetenzerwerb entsprechend den KMK-Vorgaben sowie die Berufswahlüberprüfung ein. Forschungsbefunde deuten jedoch darauf hin, dass nicht alle erhoff ten Ziele in Schulpraktika auch tatsächlich erreicht werden. Die konkreten Lernsituationen im Praxissemester standen hingegen bisher wenig im Fokus. Um dies aufzugreifen, interviewten wir für die vorliegende Studie N = 7 Lehramtsstudierende unmittelbar nach Abschluss ihres Praxissemesters zu den von Ihnen wahrgenommenen Lernerfolgen und den Lerngelegenheiten, in denen sie diese erzielten. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Studierenden glauben, vor allem ihre Unterrichts-Kompetenzen weiterentwickelt und sich als Lehrkraft sowie ihre Lehrer:innenpersönlichkeit kennengelernt zu haben. Als zentrale Lerngelegenheit benennen sie insbesondere den Austausch mit den Mentorinnen und Mentoren.
This paper aims to contribute a different approach to transitional justice, one in which political decisions are rocketed to the forefront of the research. Theory asserts that, after a transition to democracy, it is the constituency who defines the direction a country will take. Therefore, pleasing them should be at the fore of the responses taken by those in power. However, reality distances itself from theory. History provides us with many examples of the contrary, which indicates that the politicization of transitional justice is an ever-present event. The first section will outline current definitions and obstacles faced by transitional justice, focusing on the implicit ties between them and the aforementioned politicization. An original categorization of Transitional Justice as a method of analysis will also be introduced, which I denominate Political Opportunism. The case of Argentina, a country that is usually described as a model to export but that after 35 years is still dealing with the consequences brought by the contradictions of using several methods of justice, will then be reinterpreted through this perspective. At the end of the paper, the inevitable question will be posed: can this new angle be exported and implemented in every transition?
At different times and places, civic engagement in nonviolent resistance (NVR) has repeatedly shown to be an effective tool in times of conflict to initiate societal change from below. History teaches us that there have been successes (Mahatma Gandhi in India) and failures (the Tiananmen Square protests in China).
Along with the recognition of the duality between transformative potential and stark consequences, the historical development of NVR was accompanied by the emergence of scholarly debate, fractured along disputes around purpose, character and effectivity of nonviolent actions taken by civil society stakeholders engaged in making their voices heard. One of the field’s current points of interest is the examination of the long-term effects of NVR movements resulting in societal transformation on the stability and adequacy of a subsequently altered or emerging democracy, suggesting that NVR contributes positively to the sustainable and representative design of an egalitarian governing system.
The conclusion of the Nepalese civil war in 2006 should pose as an unambiguous example for the illustration of this phenomenon, but simultaneously raises the question why there was no successful implementation of a transitional process focusing on the needs of the victims.
While the concept of transitional justice and its range of measures have gained importance on an international level to come to terms with major crimes of the past, colonial crimes and mass violence committed by Western actors have not been addressed by transitional justice so far. In this chapter, the Herero’s and Nama’s struggle for justice for the genocide on their ancestors by Germany from 1904 – 1908 and the arising challenges are set in relation to conceptual debates in the field of transitional justice. Building on current debates in the field, suggesting more structural and transformative conceptualizations of transitional justice and an approach ‘from below’, it is argued that decolonial activism of formerly colonized communities and transitional justice debates can inform each other in a dialogic and fruitful form to formulate suggestions for a process towards post-colonial justice.
This chapter takes the ongoing conflict in South Sudan as a starting point for assessing the concept of transitional justice as such and its implementation in the country in particular. Following a brief description of the conflict and the peace processes, the author sheds light on the shortcomings of the established concept of transitional justice in the situation at hand. Then, the author outlines the alternate concept of transformational justice und takes a closer look at its implications on the situation in South Sudan. The author highlights existing initiatives of transformative justice and is very much in favour of their victim-centered approach.