Extern
Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Article (705)
- Postprint (204)
- Review (140)
- Conference Proceeding (137)
- Doctoral Thesis (132)
- Monograph/Edited Volume (87)
- Working Paper (44)
- Part of Periodical (19)
- Part of a Book (16)
- Preprint (7)
Language
- German (858)
- English (623)
- Russian (14)
- French (13)
- Portuguese (1)
Keywords
- Philosophie (18)
- philosophy (18)
- Lehrkräftebildung (16)
- Reflexion (13)
- Germany (9)
- Reflexionskompetenz (9)
- United States (8)
- Anthropologie (7)
- Feedback (7)
- USA (7)
Institute
- Extern (1509)
- Zentrum für Umweltwissenschaften (84)
- Institut für Biochemie und Biologie (76)
- Vereinigung für Jüdische Studien e. V. (67)
- Zentrum für Lehrerbildung und Bildungsforschung (ZeLB) (61)
- Institut für Physik und Astronomie (56)
- Institut für Chemie (47)
- Institut für Geowissenschaften (46)
- Strukturbereich Kognitionswissenschaften (36)
- Center for Economic Policy Analysis (CEPA) (32)
- MenschenRechtsZentrum (30)
- Wirtschaftswissenschaften (30)
- Department Psychologie (29)
- Strafrecht (29)
- Fachgruppe Volkswirtschaftslehre (27)
- dbs Deutscher Bundesverband für akademische Sprachtherapie und Logopädie e.V. (27)
- Department Linguistik (26)
- Institut für Umweltwissenschaften und Geographie (25)
- Institut für Ernährungswissenschaft (21)
- Öffentliches Recht (18)
- Institut für Mathematik (16)
- Interdisziplinäres Zentrum für Musterdynamik und Angewandte Fernerkundung (16)
- Kommunalwissenschaftliches Institut (13)
- Historisches Institut (12)
- Department Sport- und Gesundheitswissenschaften (9)
- Fakultät für Gesundheitswissenschaften (9)
- Department Erziehungswissenschaft (8)
- Hasso-Plattner-Institut für Digital Engineering gGmbH (6)
- Institut für Informatik und Computational Science (6)
- Institut für Germanistik (5)
- Interdisziplinäres Zentrum für Dynamik komplexer Systeme (5)
- Strukturbereich Bildungswissenschaften (5)
- Hasso-Plattner-Institut für Digital Engineering GmbH (4)
- Institut für Künste und Medien (4)
- Sozialwissenschaften (4)
- Universitätsbibliothek (4)
- Theodor-Fontane-Archiv (3)
- Bürgerliches Recht (2)
- Department Musik und Kunst (2)
- Department für Inklusionspädagogik (2)
- Fachgruppe Politik- & Verwaltungswissenschaft (2)
- Humanwissenschaftliche Fakultät (2)
- Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik (2)
- Institut für Jüdische Theologie (2)
- Institut für Philosophie (2)
- Abraham Geiger Kolleg gGmbH (1)
- Department Grundschulpädagogik (1)
- Fachgruppe Soziologie (1)
- Institut für Romanistik (1)
- Institut für Slavistik (1)
- Präsidialamt (1)
- Verband für Patholinguistik e. V. (vpl) (1)
Contents: Chapter 1. Introduction 1 Information Structure 2 Grammatical Correlates of Information Structure 3 Structure of the Questionnaire 4 Experimental Tasks 5 Technicalities 6 Archiving 7 Acknowledgments Chapter 2. General Questions 1 General Information 2 Phonology 3 Morphology and Syntax Chapter 3. Experimental tasks 1 Changes (Given/New in Intransitives and Transitives) 2 Giving (Given/New in Ditransitives) 3 Visibility (Given/New, Animacy and Type/Token Reference) 4 Locations (Given/New in Locative Expressions) 5 Sequences (Given/New/Contrast in Transitives) 6 Dynamic Localization (Given/New in Dynamic Loc. Descriptions) 7 Birthday Party (Weight and Discourse Status) 8 Static Localization (Macro-Planning and Given/New in Locatives) 9 Guiding (Presentational Utterances) 10 Event Cards (All New) 11 Anima (Focus types and Animacy) 12 Contrast (Contrast in pairing events) 13 Animal Game (Broad/Narrow Focus in NP) 14 Properties (Focus on Property and Possessor) 15 Eventives (Thetic and Categorical Utterances) 16 Tell a Story (Contrast in Text) 17 Focus Cards (Selective, Restrictive, Additive, Rejective Focus) 18 Who does What (Answers to Multiple Constituent Questions) 19 Fairy Tale (Topic and Focus in Coherent Discourse) 20 Map Task (Contrastive and Selective Focus in Spontaneous Dialogue) 21 Drama (Contrastive Focus in Argumentation) 22 Events in Places (Spatial, Temporal and Complex Topics) 23 Path Descriptions (Topic Change in Narrative) 24 Groups (Partial Topic) 25 Connections (Bridging Topic) 26 Indirect (Implicational Topic) 27 Surprises (Subject-Topic Interrelation) 28 Doing (Action Given, Action Topic) 29 Influences (Question Priming) Chapter 4. Translation tasks 1 Basic Intonational Properties 2 Focus Translation 3 Topic Translation 4 Quantifiers Chapter 5. Information structure summary survey 1 Preliminaries 2 Syntax 3 Morphology 4 Prosody 5 Summary: Information structure Chapter 6. Performance of Experimental Tasks in the Field 1 Field sessions 2 Field Session Metadata 3 Informants’ Agreement
Die vorliegende Festschrift wird Frau Prof. Gabrielle Saupe anlässlich ihrer Verabschiedung aus dem Institut für Geographie der Universität Potsdam gewidmet. Bewegende Räume - damit sind emotionale, materielle und strukturelle Bewegungen in einem räumlichen Kontext gemeint. Die Vieldeutigkeit des Titels impliziert die Vielfalt der wissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit dem Raum. Ein illustres Autorenkollektiv deutscher Raumwissenschaftler verdeutlicht anhand von verschiedenen zum Teil essayartigen Artikeln sein Verständnis von Raum. Die interdisziplinäre Konzeption des Heftes soll das ständige Bemühen von Frau Saupe verdeutlichen, verschiedene Perspektiven, Herangehensweisen und Fachdisziplinen zur Bewältigung der Forschungsaufgaben zusammenzuführen. Hierbei sind die wichtigsten Forschungsprojekte von Frau Saupe ebenso vertreten wie einige der von ihr betreuten Qualifikationsarbeiten. Die Beiträge reichen von der Landschafts- bzw. Geoökologie bis zum Fußball und der Musik. Sie spannen einen Bogen von der Geographie als Regionalwissenschaft zu modernen stadtsoziologischen Fragestellungen, stellen Ergebnisse neuerer Forschungsprojekte vor und widmen sich der Entwicklung von nahen und fernen Räumen aus verschiedenen Perspektiven.
Die Untersuchung bedient sich der Fallstudie als Instrument der empirischen Sozialforschung und hat zum Ziel, die regionalökonomische Bedeutung von öffentlichen Wissenschaftseinrichtungen anhand der Hochschulbildungs- und außeruniversitären Forschungseinrichtungen in Potsdam empirisch zu fundieren. Zur Bearbeitung der Themenstellung wurden drei Aspekte ausgewählt, von denen zu erwarten ist, dass sie für den Untersuchungsraum regionalwirtschaftlich bedeutsam sind: Beschäftigungs-, Einkommens- und Informationseffekte. Die Ausgabenströme der Wissenschaftseinrichtungen (Personal-, Sach- und Investitionsausgaben) sowie die in umfangreichen Befragungen erhobenen Konsumausgaben von Personal und Studierenden wurden regional und sektoral gegliedert und daraus resultierende Beschäftigung und Einkommen für die Region Potsdam ermittelt. Die von den Wissenschaftseinrichtungen ausgehenden Informationseffekte wurden mittels empirischer Untersuchungen des Transfergeschehens in Potsdam analysiert. Durch eine Befragung an den Wissenschaftseinrichtungen sowie ergänzende Experteninterviews war es möglich, ein genaues Bild der Kooperationspotenziale zwischen Potsdamer Wissenschaftseinrichtungen und regionalen Unternehmen zu zeichnen, den aktuellen Stand der Zusammenarbeit zu charakterisieren, Hemmnisse offen zu legen und Handlungsempfehlungen abzuleiten.
Die vorliegende Schrift "Die Islamische Republik Iran" erwächst aus der Durchführung sowie der Vor- und Nachbereitung einer Studienreise von Studenten in den Iran. Im Herbst 2004 reist die Gruppe nach Teheran und lernt neben den dem Alborz-Gebirge und der Kaspi-Region auch die Städte Shiraz, Persepolis, Yazd und Esfahan kennen. In acht Einzelbeiträgen vermitteln die Studenten unter dem Eindruck des selbst Gesehenen und Erlebten und in der Literatur Erarbeiteten einen Überblick zum politisch-administrativen System der Islamischen Republik Iran, zur Wirtschaft, zur Bevölkerungsentwicklung, zur Stadtstruktur im islamischen Orient und in der Hauptstadt, zur Migration im Zusammenhang mit dem Iran-Irak-Krieg, zur Binnenwanderung sowie zu ausgewählten Aspekten der Außenpolitik.
The best of both worlds
(2006)
Gegenstand der Publikation ist eine Art der Transmigration, die nicht, wie in der bisherigen Forschungsliteratur aufgezeigt, durch die Überbrückung des Wohlstandsgefälles entsteht, sondern durch die Verwirklichung eines bestimmten Lebensstils. In mehreren Interviews mit drei Seglern, die – neben der Teilnahme an internationalen Regatten – aus Sets verschiedener Motive zwischen Neuseeland und Europa pendeln, wird deren Lebenswelt als "Long distance-Transmigranten" dargestellt und miteinander verglichen. Im theoretischen Teil werden die Befunde der Fallstudie in die wissenschaftliche Debatte eingeordnet. Ein Abriss zur Kritik sowie die Konsequenzen dieser für die Arbeit werden gezogen. Der Nachweis, dass die untersuchten Probanden "Sonderfälle" darstellen, wird erbracht und die Einführung eines eigenen wissenschaftlichen Begriffes für dieses neue Migrationsphänomen erfolgt. Obgleich diese Studie auf einer relativ schmalen empirischen Basis erwachsen ist, zeichnet sie sich durch das innovative Vorgehen der Autorin aus.
Enge Kooperationsformen basieren auf Vertrauen und dementsprechend wurde seine zentrale Rolle für die Funktionsfähigkeit von Netzwerken in den letzten Jahren auch zunehmend anerkannt. Diese Bedeutung von Vertrauen wird in grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerken noch potenziert, da neben den mangelnden formalen Sanktionsmöglichkeiten und der Ungleichzeitigkeit des Tauschs die Unsicherheiten resultierend aus der Berührung unterschiedlicher Wirtschafts-, Kultur und Rechtsräume zunehmen, während gleichzeitig die Funktionsfähigkeit verschiedener Institutionen zur Reduzierung dieser Unsicherheiten abnimmt. Trotz dieser anerkannten Rolle, die Vertrauen in grenzüberschreitenden Kooperationen spielt, wird dem Aufbau von Vertrauen in grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerken und den Möglichkeiten einer gezielten Vertrauensförderung in der Literatur bisher nur wenig Beachtung geschenkt. Um diese Fragen näher zu untersuchen, wurde eine empirische Studie zwischen den deutschen, polnischen und tschechischen Akteuren des von der Europäischen Union geförderten Projektes Enlarge-Net durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse dieser Studie zeigen, dass gemeinsame Erfahrungen und wiederholte Interaktion, direkte Kommunikation, institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen, soziale, kulturelle und räumliche Distanzen zwischen den Akteuren und Dritten Parteien einen entscheidenden Einfluss auf den Vertrauensaufbau zwischen den Akteuren eines grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerkes haben. Um den Prozess des Vertrauensaufbaus zu fördern, sollte ein Vertrauensmanagement eingeführt werden, das unter anderem auf die Schaffung formaler und informeller Austauschplattformen abzielt, die Qualität der Kommunikation verbessert und Regeln der Kooperation institutionalisiert. Doch bleibt zu beachten, dass es sich bei dem Aufbau von Vertrauen um einen langsamen und sich sukzessive verstärkenden Prozess handelt, der extrem empfindlich gegenüber Störungen ist, die den gesamten Prozess mit einem Schlag zum Erliegen bringen können.
According to the author, chairman of the Foreign Policy Committee in the German parliament (Bundestag), German foreign policy is based on a strong parliamentary consensus: continuing as a Western European country, co-operating with our partners in the European Union and the NATO, acting as a responsible member of UN and OSCE. Germany firmly stands up to these basic decisions, also today in a changed world, concentrating on reaching two major goals: building up a new security architecture for Europe as a whole and reuniting Europe by enlarging the European Union. Moderate and co-operate in style, Germany will continue to be a reliable partner, willing and ready to accept even more responsibilities in Europe and beyond Europe.
The ten-years presidency of Alberto Fujimori in Peru is a classic example of the sort of hybrid democracy that emerged in various Latin American countries in the 1990s, combining a mixture of democratic and clearly non-democratic elements. Fujimori was one of the more autocratic Latin American leaders of the 1990s, he is being the only regime formally to break with pre-existing constitutional rules. Closely tied to the military and intelligence apparatus, his government involved a concentration of political power that reduced the scope and autonomy of other branches of the state. But, unlike previous Latin American military dictatorships, Fujimori’s government enjoyed a considerable popularity, born out of disaffection for representative institutions. The article argues, however, that these characteristics of apparent strength carried within them the seeds of their own destruction. Far from establishing lasting political stability, the regime was weakly based. Within six weeks of his inauguration for a third term in July 2000, Fujimori was obliged to announce his intention to withdraw from politics. Two months later, he was ousted altogether.
After the democratic euphoria of the early 1990s, today the "third wave of democratization" seems to be less a triumph of political liberalism and much more a success story of a "defective" form of democracy. The authors argue that none of the strategies which can be found in contemporary democratization studies is satisfactory. They offer an alternative two-step-strategy of (1) specifying the root concept of democracy and (2) building subtypes of democracy which are based on this specified root concept. In doing so, the authors conceptualize the model of embedded democracy, from which they generate the concept of "defective democracy" and present a typology of these "defective democracies".
While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today’s Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master’s of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.
Confronted with new dimensions of international problems, Germany needs a new foreign policy elite that is able to deal with the pending challenges in world politics. Therefore, the author points out, it is necessary to reorganize the German way to recruit personal for international tasks and the manner of its education at German universities. Furthermore, the German society should revise its general hostile attitude towards the elite and recognize it as an important driving force in politics.
The author detects some of the causes for the less than satisfactory representation of the German foreign policy elite on the international level within the German university structure. The article also reflects upon the issue of the 'content' of a possible and desirable German 'Weltpolitik' which is seen in Global Public Policy - an example of which is provided and reasons given for the ability of the German elite to be proactively engaged in the promotion and management of Global Public Policy Networks.
The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.
The comprehensive transformation after the breakdown of communist rule was also reflected in a profound change in national policies. The dominating approach in the days of the old regime were grounded in the concept of a single nation state. The years since 1989 witnessed a rise of new democratic attitudes towards national and ethnic minorities. National minorities make up 3 to 4% of the population. Their total number is estimated to be approximately 1.0 to 1.3 Million people. Contemporary national policy rejects the principle of assimilation (polonization) of national and ethnic minorities while supporting their integration.
The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.
The end of the Cold War opened a window for a new era in world security. Instead of rising to this extraordinary occasion, the United States has adopted a regressive Great Power approach to military security. Rather than promote 'win-win' solutions for peace, security, disarmament, and democracy, it treats international security as a 'zero-sum' game. This article discusses examples in the areas of military spending, military research and development, and arms production and export. It also looks at US policy regarding the use of force, including the role of the United Nations, military intervention in other nations, military alliances, and multilateral military action. In conclusion, the article comments on whether we can expect more constructive action under a new administration and congress.
Ghana’s local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments’ need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana’s 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5% of the national tax income to the districts.
During the 1990s the relations between Russia and China developed intensivly. At the highest level, between 1992 and 1998, six summits took place. Both countries declared a "strategic cooperative partnership", designed to contribute to a "multipolar world" and a "well-balanced international political order". Both Russia and China endaveour to use their alliance to raise the importance of their respective places compared against the USA, EU and Japan. Policy changes in Russia have been especially instrumental in solving former conflicts between the two countries, and in developing a new quality to the bilateral relationship. Both countries have shown a strong interest in political and territorial integrity, both expect much from the markets, they need each other as partners in developing new weapon systems and both expect many advantages by normalising the situation along their joint borderline. Though future prospects of a Russian-Chinese partnership are reasonably foreseeable, it is clear that differences will remain. A complete balance of interests may not be seen.
Considering the problems of retirement security systems leads one to look beyond the border in order to get a glimpse of the way things work in other societies. Contrary to formal public pension schemes in South American and East European industrial countries, the predominant pension system in Asia is of an informal nature, based upon the extended family structure. The rise of the city-state of Singapore has been accompanied by the development of a comprehensive social security system within the framework of the Central Provident Fund (CPF). The CPF is based on a symbiosis of Western social concepts and Eastern pragmatism. The article gives an insight into the development of this system, and the way it works underpresent political and economic conditions.
The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.
The end of the cold war division of the Baltic Sea in 1989, and the three Baltic states’ return to independence in 1991 created new opportunities for the decision-makers of the area, as well as new possibilities for fashioning security in the region. This article will examine the security debate affecting the Baltic Sea region in the post-cold war period, and in particular, the relevance of the European Union to that debate. The following section will examine various concepts of security relevant to the Baltic region; the third section looks at the EU and the Baltic area; and the last part deals with the implications that EU membership by the Baltic Sea states may have for the security of the Baltic Sea zone.
The article mobilises the concept of strategic culture in order to identify the impact of history upon contemporary security policy. The article will first look at the "wholesale construction" of a strategic culture after the Second World War in West Germany before exploring its impact upon security policy since the end of the Cold War in two areas: the Bundeswehr's out-of-area role and conscription. The central argument presented here is that the strategic culture of the former Federal Republic now writ large on to the new united Germany sets the context within which security policies are designed. This strategic culture, as will be argued, acts as both a facilitating and a restraining variable on behaviour, making certain policy options possible and others impossible.
The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.
The fiscal reform of 1994 was introduced to strengthen the redistributive function of central government. In the aftermath of the reform it turned out, however, that the dominating cleavage is not necessarily the rivalry between "centre" and "regions", mainly because of the very complex relationships within the provinces. Though taxation itself is highly centralized there is a growing tendency of expensation of "extra-budget revenues". That is why the share of the central government concerning all revenues fell to 27%, falling considerably short of the purpose of the fiscal reform to increase the rate of central redistribution to 60% of the national fiscal ressources. Local communities have turned out to be rather successful in collecting non-tax revenues, concentrating on the non-state sectors of the economy. The problem is not so much the threat of fiscal decentralization but the definition of rules and procedures in the relationship between centre, provinces and local administrations.
In 1988, the Government of the People’s Republic of China established the island of Hainan as a province and made it a Special Economic Zone. While the hope for a spectecular economic take off was the main driving force behind this decision, it provided China with an area where far reaching trial-and-error politics could be. Hence the new provincial government was granted the privilege of setting its own legal framework for administering the special economic policies and establishing a governmental structure guided by the principle of "Small government, big society". Although some of the efforts to reduce the administration in terms of scope and resources, to develop and strengthen non-governmental organizations and provide economic actors with a minimum of freedom and reliability proved successful, the overall results are mixed: While well-being and opportunities for self-fulfillment clearly grew, political participation is still confined to areas defined by the Communist Party.
Auf der Suche nach einem neuen Ideal : zu Theorie, Norm und Praxis des Rechtsstaats in der VR China
(1998)
Besides establishing a legal system for the needs of economic construction, legal theory and legislation in China are extending their concern from an instrumental concept of law to a more value based notion, thus supplementing "rule by laws" by elements of the "Rechtsstaat" (rule of law). Whereas legal and constitutional theory take more and more bold views concerning integrating structures of checks and balances and division of powers into the legal system, urging for statutory control of the ruling party, for reforming the National People’s Congress into a responsible legislative body based on real representation of the people, providing for constitutionality of legal norms by a system of judicial review etc., legislation has started to deal with certain aspects of the Rechtsstaat in fields as administrative, criminal and criminal procedure law. In view of grave problems of implementation, this legislation may partly be regarded more to be an expression of intention to develop gradually a new ideal and a new legitimation for the political system than well established actual practice.
In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia’s international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia’s national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author’s judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia’s international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country’s predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.
Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.
The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens’, he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.
Nowadays the term "technocracy", which means the elimination of politics by the rule of scientific reasoning, is most often used with a quite negative overtone. Technocrats are described as experts without morals, able to function in any kind of political system. Nevertheless one should remember that the technocratic idea contained from the very beginning a strong ethic element: conventional political power as an instrument of repression should be replaced by the rule of sciences as an instrument to improve human life. Although the idea of eliminating politics by "science-based" decisions of an autocratic leadership has been widely used to legitimate totalitarian rule, it is obvious, that clear technocratic reasoning and decision making do not go conform with the functioning of a totalitarian system. On the contrary, technic and technologic innovation accelerated the breakdown of totalitarianism. The complex character of modern societies calls for regulation by markets and pluralistic political systems. The evolution of our technical civilization improved the conditions for democratic selforganisation.
After overcoming the divergence from the general features of Western and international urban development caused by Germany's division, Berlin is catching up with and imitating almost all features of post-modern city formation constituted and demonstrated in the last two decades. Berlin is trying to make good its backwardness and to keep abreast of the metropolis in Europe and the world through a strategy aimed at a cultural re-evaluation of urban structure and architecture. The so-called Prussian style based on the Classicist tradition of the beginning of the 19th century is the historical and asthetic horizon. A small administrative and architectural elite pushing the redefinition of the social, political and asthetic meaning of public space ignores consciously the architectural reality in the Eastern and Western parts of the city. Crucial objectives are the cultural, political and economic recapturing of the traditional centre of Berlin profoundly marked by its socialist past and the protection of middle class interests.
In the rapidly growing literature on globalization, many authors have emphasized the apparent disembedding of social relations from their local-territorial preconditions. Such arguments neglect the relatively fixed and immobile forms of territorial organization upon which the current round of globalization is premised, such as urban-regional agglomerations and territorial states. Drawing on the work of David Harvey and Henri Lefebvre, this article argues that processes of reterritorialization - the reconfiguration of forms of terrritorial organization such as cities and states - must be viewed as an intrinsic moment of the current round of globalization. Globalization is conceived here as a reterritorialization of both socio-economic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales. The ongoing restructuring of contemporary urban spaces and state institutional-territorial structures must be viewed at once as presupposition, a medium and an outcome of this highly contested dynamic of global spatial restructuring. New theories and representations of the scaling of spatial practices are needed to grasp the rapidly changing territorial organization of world capitalism in the late 20th century.
J. Kiaupiene, a severe critic of Kosman’s ideas, presents a different view on Lithuanian history. Kosman's description of Lithuania's past is neither exact nor new. Scholars in Russia, Poland and Belorussia have interpreted Lithuania's history in very different ways. The reason for this variety is the difference of national interests. Kosman's view reflects Polish messianism and cultural hybris. But even among Lithuanian scholars there are conflicting views on this nation's history and cultural identity.
Lithuania and Poland had cooperated for centuries and even created a political union. The pacts had been very useful for both sides and consequently, the peoples and especially the Lithuanian elite was ready to absorb parts of the Polish culture. Lithuania broke with this tradition dating back to the Middle Ages only after the first division of Poland. During 1944- 1990, the so-called "Soviet period in Lithuania", two different processes could be observed: Russification and Lithuanification. Although dependent on Moscow, the leading Lithuanian politicians never forgot Lithuanian interests and supported the national conscience. After Lithuania gained independence in 1990, a huge wave of national enthusiasm swapped over the country. In the meantime, politicians came back to reality: The independence of Lithuania seems consolidated and the old tradition to re-establish the Polish-Lithuanian cooperation seems to be on the run since Aleksander Kwasniewski had visited Lithuania in January 1996.
Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.
The self-awareness of the subject is always dependent on interaction with others. Thus, self-awareness and social awareness are two sides of the same coin. The Self is not only to be won through social ties with others, but at the same time through distance from them. So long as this does not lead to isolation, there is a possibility of working out common values and identities. The construction of common identities is a process of social definition and construction. Materials for this are space-time, social, cultural, economic, and administrative-legal attributes which are transformed into identity-building attributes. Ethnic movements are often portrayed as social dramas. The processes of institution-building and nation-building never stop. Their supporters relate identity management to the central nation-state and consensus, possible minorities count on a strategy of differentiation and conflict instead.
The attitude of the East Germans to the Polish is burdened with the heritage of the past. After 1945 the composition of the population on both sides of the new border along the Oder and Neisse rivers changed drastically. On the eastern side the Germans were expelled and Polish people were settled. On the western side many expelled Germans found a new home. Despite the fact that the GDR signed the Oder-Neisse border treaty, the ruling communist party (SED) did not encourage contacts between the people living on both sides of Oder and Neisse in the following years. The policy of the SED towards the Polish communists during the whole period between 1946-1989 was characterised by arrogance and suspicion, at times falling back on old anti-Polish stereotypes. Especially in the 1980s, the GDR tried to prevent the influence of Solidarnosc and dissident ideas from entering the country. Despite this policy, substantial personal contacts developed, particularly in the 1970s when the border was fully opened. The authors argue that current German-Polish relations should make use of these experiences.
Dieser Aufsatz verknüpft die komparative Wohlfahrtsforschung mit der traditionellen Einstellungsforschung auf Basis von quantitativen empirischen Erhebungen. Inhalt: 1 Wohlfahrtskonzepte 1.1 Die Zieldimension 1.2 Die Wohlfahrtsproduzenten 2 Determinanten von Unterstützungen 2.1 Die Makroebene: Wohlfahrtsregimetypologien 2.2 Die Mikroebene: Interessen und Werte 3 Operationalisierung 3.1 Wohlfahrtskonzepte 3.2 Indikatoren der Mikroebene 4 Unterstützungspotentiale für die Wohlfahrtskonzepte 4.1 Die Unterstützung des Egalitarismus-Etatismus 4.1.1 Innerstaatliche Einstellungsvariationen 4.1.2 Zwischenstaatliche Einstellungsvariation 4.2 Die Unterstützung des Funktionalismus 4.3 Die Unterstützung des Investitionsprinzips 4.4 Die Unterstützung des reinen Leistungsprinzips 4.5 Die Unterstützung des Familialismus 4.6 Die Unterstützung des Chancengleichheit-Marktliberalismus-Index 4.7 Kompositionen von Wohlfahrtskonzepten
Contents: 1. Introduction 2. Migration and Assimilation – Theoretical Approaches 2.1 Meaning and Definition of the Terms Migration and Migrant 2.2 Milton M. Gordon – Sub Processes of Assimilation 2.3 Hartmut Esser - Acculturation, Integration, and Assimilation 2.4 The Concept of Integration and Assimilation 2.5 Straight–line Assimilation and its Implications 2.6 Segmented Assimilation and its Implications 3. Social Inequality and Welfare – Theoretical Approaches 3.1 Dimensions of Inequality 3.2 Welfare Regimes and Social Inequality 3.3 Migration, Assimilation and Inequality 4. Research Design 4.1 Research Question and General Proceeding 4.2 Sample and Data Base 4.3 Operationalisation and Indicators 5. Migration, Welfare and Inequality in Three European Countries 6. Empirical Results 6.1 Performance of Migrants Compared With Natives 6.2 Different Trajectories of Assimilation 6.3 Trajectories of Segmented Assimilation and their Determinants 6.4 Policies, Attitudes and Assimilation – An Aggregate Analysis 6.5 Summary – What Determines the Performance of Migrants? 7. Discussion of Empirical Results in Terms of Theoretical Approaches 7.1 The Situation of Migrants in Three European Countries 7.2 Assessment of the Trajectories of Assimilation 8. Conclusion – Future Prospects of Migration in Europe
Since the end of the year 1989 Liberia has been ravaged by a bloody civil war. It has almost completely destroyed the state structure of Liberian society which was manipulated by military ruler Samuel Doe and a small elite with the ends of amassing wealth and retaining power during the decade of 1980 to 1989. The state and almost all political institutions were stripped of credibility and legitimacy. During the war it was easy for the warlords of the various factions and their mostly young supporters to seize power and the remaining resources of the country. They established a radical free market system with the help of internationally operating companies and banks, protecting it by terror. Nearly two thirds of the population have left their homes and now live as refugees abroad, in the capital Monrovia or in Buchanan, where remnants of state structure and a weak civil society survive under the protection of a regional intervention army (Ecomog). By discussing different sociological explanations, the author traces the origins of the civil war and of its extreme brutality.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
The fatal "eye disease" that afflicts Realists and Neorealists, and even infects some self-styled Institutionalists and Constructivists, has several causes. In his polemical essay, the author defines these as historicism, the legalistic bias, the underestimation of non-state actors and the overestimation of the state as such. Discussing the linkage between loyality, ethnicy, and politics, he strongly argues for recognition of the fact that the world is groping for new political arrangements for which we simply do not have the appropriate ideas or words to describe. In the future, the range of political identities and loyalities in the global culture of "fragmegration" will extend beyond traditional multiculturalism.
The post cold war world order is popularly discussed in terms of what Samuel Huntington has called the "clash of civilizations". The authors hold that Huntington is just a prominent example of the trend which constructs geopolitical identities based on ethnic definitions of world regions, where ethnicitiy is understood to be a primordial, transhistorical and static understanding of cultural identities. In their paper, they extensively deconstruct this concept of ethnicity, drawing parallels with the history of nationalism and nation-building, and analyze its functions for legitimizing projects of building exclusive economic blocs in Europe, America and Pacific Asia. At present, ethnic concepts of world regions are competing with liberal, non-ethnic identities of the three world regions. Finally, the dangerous potentials of ethnic regionalization are discussed. From a peace research perspective, support for a common global identity of "mankind" is strongly advocated.
Observers of international politics have been conscious of the growing international involvement of non-central governments (NCGs), particularly in federal systems. These have been supplemented by the internationalisation of subnational actors in quasi-federal and even unitary states. One of the difficulties is that analysis has often been locked into the dominant paradigm debate in International Relations concerning who and who are not significant actors. Having briefly explored the nature of this changing environment, marked by a growing emphasis on access rather than control as a policy objective and the emergence of what is termed a 'catalytic diplomacy', the discussion focuses on the need for linkage between the levels of government in the pursuit of international as well as domestic policy goals. The nature of linkage mechanisms are discussed.
Are we witnessing a decline of war, the spread of violence or both? The growing number of wars and genocids conveys the impression of uncontrolled violence. Is there any possibility to overcome belligerent conflicts between states? Do imply social, technological, cultural or even anthropological changes moments which could shift the ground of state’s rivalry towards non-belligerent relationships? Peace trough interdependence and democracy seems possible. The priorities of modern states cannot be thought on the basis of attributes like sovereignty and territoriality. The peaceful 'bourgeois islands' not only bring about prosperity but increasing social exclusion as well. New phenomenon of ethnicism and religiosity often originate from, around and in their midst. Threats arising from terrorism and racial or religious riots are the consequences. There are two options, the author considers as possible: an "embourgeoisement" of the "barbarians" or a "barbarisation of the bourgeois". Or is there a new political form emerging?
The failure of politics is closely connected with deeply rooted misconceptions about the term politics. The author argues that a re-reading of Immanuel Kant's work "The Perpetual Peace" written 200 years ago offers a challenging possibility for a new conceptualization of politics, morality and peace. Morality is seen by Kant as an essential dimension of politics and the implementation and acknowledgement of laws by moral demands is defined as a precondition for a community of free citizens. In its public discourse politics does require law and morality. Deriving future rights from existing laws is one of the most favored argumentation used by politicians in the public. If the needs of law and justice are interpretated by politicians in their own interest, i.e. above all guarantees for the realization of political selfdetermination, then a real chance will exist for improving peace in the future.
The article argues that the concept of statehood is not functioning any longer. It exists a crisis for the international legal order which is represented by the failure of state to maintain order within its borders. The problem of violence in international relations are connected to the implosion of a considerable number of the state entities in the contemporary international society. The federalist institutional approach in international law and international theory could not contribute in an appropriate way to the solution of the "problem of violence", because it supposes a willingness on the part of states to do so. Only the concept of "national interest", in a sociological sense, connected to the development of a discource of solidarity and mutual responsibility between the "West" and the "rest of the world" offers the possibility to create a common consciousness which could make it easier to overcome the contemporary crises for the international legal order.
The Chinese coastal cities play an increasing economic role in the Yellow Sea region. The inclusion of these cities into the intra Asian economic cooperation is accomplished not only in the conventional sphere of trade but also by a growing involvement in telecommunication networks, technological exchange and the circulation of human resources. That is why these cities emerge as autonomous actors in the East Asian integration process. In this context national states face deep structural change, especially in the field of sovereignty and territory. Concerning the internal situation of China, this change could also cause a turn over of the relationship between the central government and the regions.
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
Based on the discussion on Germany´s new 'central location', the author tries to sketch Germany´s geopolitical position in view of the constellation of powers in Europe from a national point of view. This favourable position offers a great chance for the country to play an active role in Europe’s integration. However, German historical heritage as well as the delicate relationship of Germany´s political elite to the use of power are reasons for the country´s hesitation to fulfill her neighbours’ and her allies’ expectations. Anyhow, Summaries 192 rooted in the West-European and transatlantic integration is Germany the natural dooropener for its Eastern, South-Eastern and Baltic neighbours to become 'members of the club'. )</a> Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Flight and expulsion are and will remain important international problems. The existence of refugees is a result of unsolved domestic tasks. Thus, effective solutions require comprehensive and long-term strategies. So far the efforts to reduce the causes of escape have not been sufficient. In the current refugee crises millions of people can survive only with the help of an efficient international system (for example the UNHCR) that guarantees humanitarian aid and protection. However, this system has turned out to be inadequate although the potential of preventive action is sufficient to reach a major progress in diminishing the refugee problem.
Although without providing a systematical comparison, it has become clear that the sects or party-factions of Japan’s New Left movement are by no means merely copies of their counterparts in the West. On the other hand their conduct may not be judged as to be a unique Japanese phenomenon. What they embody is, on the whole, a complex symbiosis of universal and particularly Japanese features, which can be observed in the fields of social behavior, organizational structure, and group dynamics. The particularity of the New Left factions is mostly revealed through the higher intensity of specific features rather than through pecularities found only in Japan.
Underlying the importance of revenue the author discusses the future of the international order from the perspective of political economy. The international system will not be a capitalist one. Political conflicts will not be removed by nonviolent market regulations. Weakness of labour force and a dominant role of revenue will further more result in political interventions by nation states. The struggle for revenue to maintain comparative advantages in high-tech-development strengthens state intervention in order to protect domestic market. The failure of the "development state" in the third world and the rising of fundamentalistic tendencies supported by a market-oriented middle class will increase conflicts in those regions.
There has never been a theory of transition from really existing Socialism to a democratic and market-oriented system. Different theoretical approaches are taken into consideration by the author. Experiences of other transitional processes are practicable on Eastern Europe in a limited way. The missing of socio-structural differentiation, the socio-cultural consequences of the really existing Socialism and the international conditions did not promote the transition. It seems that the transition in Eastern Europe is obviously not a change from one political system to another one, but for the time being an open process.
Taking the visit of Erich Honecker to China as an example, the author analyses the bilateral GDR-Chinese relations in the 1980s. Based on extensive original research, the objectives as well as disappointed hopes are presented. The author reveals that not Honecker played the "Chinese Card", but he himself became part of Chinese politics. At the same time, the contradictory reaction to that visit in Moscow are documented when, with the election of Gorbachev, first signs of a change in Soviet policy toward China were indicated. Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
The dramatic changes in international relations characterized by the terms "Complex Interdependence" and "Segmentary Globalization" call for new explanation. The author considers the post-modern approaches, a critical analysis of which he presents, to be one possibility to do that. In studies of international policy, these post-modern influences are gaining ground in disputes with realistic and neo-realistic approaches, and they can also clearly be felt in Latin America. Tomassini, based on the historic experiences of Latin America, forcefully calls for an active and constructive incorporation of the region into international developments. For that, Latin-American societies have to establish modern, and open political as well as economic systems which are able to meet those challenges.
One type of internal diachronic change that has been extensively studied for spoken languages is grammaticalization whereby lexical elements develop into free or bound grammatical elements. Based on a wealth of spoken languages, a large amount of prototypical grammaticalization pathways has been identified. Moreover, it has been shown that desemanticization, decategorialization, and phonetic erosion are typical characteristics of grammaticalization processes. Not surprisingly, grammaticalization is also responsible for diachronic change in sign languages. Drawing data from a fair number of sign languages, we show that grammaticalization in visual-gestural languages – as far as the development from lexical to grammatical element is concerned – follows the same developmental pathways as in spoken languages. That is, the proposed pathways are modalityindependent. Besides these intriguing parallels, however, sign languages have the possibility of developing grammatical markers from manual and non-manual co-speech gestures. We will discuss various instances of grammaticalized gestures and we will also briefly address the issue of the modality-specificity of this phenomenon.
In dieser Arbeit wird ein Verfahren für robustes Parsing von uneingeschränktem natürlichsprachlichen Text mit gewichteten Transduktoren erarbeitet. Es werden zwei linguistische Theorien, das Chunking und das syntaktische Tagging, vorgestellt, die sich besonders für die praktische Anwendung mit Finite-State Maschinen eignen. Über die formalen Grundlagen, die es möglich machen, Finite-State Maschinen zu modellieren, werden existierende Ansätze vorgestellt, die diese linguistischen Theorien mit Finite-State Maschinen realisieren. Jedoch sind diese Ansätze in vieler Hinsicht problematisch. Es wird gezeigt, dass sich Probleme lösen lassen, indem Disambiguierungsstrategien durch Constraints realisiert werden, die als Gewicht bzw. Semiring vorliegen. Durch die Bestimmung des besten Pfades ist dann eine Disambiguierung möglich. Das Verfahren bewegt sich zwischen einem Low- und High-Level Parsing und behandelt flache Dependenzstrukturen. Für die Analyse wird eine rudimentäre Grammatik für das Deutsche entwickelt. Durch eine Implementierung wird letztlich der Ansatz getestet.
Dieser vorliegende Lehr- und Forschungsbericht des Lehrstuhls für Betriebswirtschaftslehre mit dem Schwerpunkt Marketing beschreibt ausgewählte Ergebnisse einer empirischen Studie zum Kulturmarketing. Inhalt: Erhebungssteckbrief Ziel der Studie und methodisches Vorgehen Erhebungsdesign und Stichprobenstruktur - Vorgehen bei der Erhebung - Probleme bei der Durchführung der Interviews - Stichprobenstruktur - Eine Analyse der Besucherstrukturen der Potsdamer Arkadien und konkurrierender Kulturveranstaltungen Marktanalyse des Kulturangebots in Potsdam - Beschreibung der Wettbewerbssituation des Potsdamer Kulturangebots - Positionierung der Potsdamer Arkadien und anderer Kulturveranstaltungen aus Sicht der Veranstalter Darstellung der Ergebnisse - Bekanntheit der Potsdamer Arkadien - Das Entscheidungs- und Nutzungsverhalten von Besuchern der Potsdamer Arkadien und Besuchern konkurrierender Kulturveranstaltungen - Das lnformationsverhalten von Besuchern der Potsdamer Arkadien - Stärken und Schwächen der Potsdamer Arkadien - Verbesserungsvorschläge - Zufriedenheit mit den Potsdamer Arkadien aus Sicht der Besucher - Zahlungsbereitschaftsanalyse von Besuchern der Potsdamer Arkadien - Erwartungen an Kulturveranstaltungen und Gründe für den Besuch der Potsdamer Arkadien - Einstellungen zu den Potsdamer Arkadien: Wichtigkeit und Bewertung von ausgewählten Merkmalen der Potsdamer Arkadien - Die Stadt Potsdam in der Wahrnehmung ihrer Bürger: Ermittlung des Wahrnehmungsraumes von Kulturveranstaltungen mittels der Korrespondenzanalyse - Typologisierung der Befragten nach ihren kulturellen Werteorientierungen
Dieser erste Lehr- und Forschungsbericht des Lehrstuhls für Betriebswirtschaftslehre mit dem Schwerpunkt Marketing beschreibt, analysiert und interpretiert ausgewählte Ergebnisse einer empirischen Studie zum lmage Potsdams bei lokalen Unternehmern. Inhalt: Die Studie im Überblick: Erhebungssteckbrief, Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse Ziel der Studie Erhebungsdesign und Struktur der Stichprobe Das Image Potsdams als Wirtschaftsstandort - Die Standortfaktoren - Die Einschätzung der Standortfaktoren: Das Überzeugungsprofil - Die Wichtigkeit der Standortfaktoren: Das Anforderungsprofil - Die Stärken und Schwächen Potsdams als Wirtschaftsstandort Typologisierung der lokalen Unternehmer nach ihrem lmage vom Wirtschaftsstandort Potsdam Das lmage Potsdams als Lebensraum für Unternehmer - Das lmageprofil der Stadt Potsdam als Lebensraum - Das 'Innere Bild' von der Stadt Potsdam Die wirtschaftliche Zukunft von Potsdam aus der Sicht der befragten Unternehmer Konsequenzen und Ansatzpunkte für die Gestaltung eines effizienten Regionalen Marketingkonzepts
Die Stimme der Natur
(2006)
Inklusion oder Exklusion?
(2003)
Inhalt: 1. Ziel und Fragestellung der Arbeit 2.1 Spezifika des deutschen Wohlfahrtsstaates 2.2 Theoretische Erkenntnisse zu Übergangsmodellen in und aus Teilzeitbeschäftigung 2.2.1 Humankapitaltheorie 2.2.2 Der Ansatz der Haushaltsstruktur 2.2.3 Ansätze zur Arbeitsmarktsegmentation 2.2.4 Theorien individuellen Handelns 2.3 Inklusion und Exklusion 3. Forschungsstand zu Übergangsmodellen in und aus Teilzeitbeschäftigung 4. Der Modellrahmen 4.1 Spezifikation der Hazard-Funktion 4.2 Einzelne Episoden 4.3 Mehrzustandsmodell 5. Typen von Erwerbsverläufen 5.1 Inkludierende, exkludierende und erhaltende Übergänge 6. Einflussfaktoren 6.1 Übergänge von Teilzeitbeschäftigung in die Erwerbstätigkeit 6.2 Übergänge von Teilzeitbeschäftigung in die Nichterwerbstätigkeit 6.3 Übergänge von Teilzeitbeschäftigung in die Arbeitslosigkeit 6.4 Übergänge von Teilzeitbeschäftigung in den Hausfrauen/männerstatus 7. Zentrale Ergebnisse und Schlussfolgerungen
Die Aufgaben dieser Arbeit liegen in der Ermittlung einer Lebensstiltypologie für Gesamtdeutschland, der Untersuchung des Zusammenhangs zwischen sozialstrukturellen Merkmalen und dem Lebensstil und der Ermittlung der Wertorientierung der eruierten Lebensstile an Hand der Semiometrie. Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 2. Lebensstile 3. Ermittlung einer Lebensstiltypologie 3.1 Operationalisierung des Lebensstilkonzepts 3.2 Stichprobe 3.3 Faktorenanalyse 3.3.1 Faktoren und Faktorladungen 3.4 Clusteranalyse 3.4.1 Ermittlung der optimalen Clusterzahl 3.5 Sechs Lebensstile 3.5.1 Lebensstil der Ausschließlich kulturell Interessierten 3.5.2 Lebensstil der Einfachen Unbeteiligten 3.5.3 Lebensstil der Universell Aktiven 3.5.4 Lebensstil der Geselligen Spannungsorientierten 3.5.5 Lebensstil der Agilen Informationshungrigen 3.5.6 Lebensstil der Elektronikgeneigten Actionsuchenden 3.5.7 Vergleich der eruierten Lebensstile 4. Lebensstil im Zusammenhang mit sozialstrukturellen Merkmalen 4.1 Diskriminanzanalytische Ergebnisse 4.2 Zusammenfassung 5. Die Wertorientierung der Lebensstile 5.1 Methodik der Semiometrie 5.2 Wertsystem der Ausschließlich kulturell Interessierten 5.3 Wertsystem der Einfachen Unbeteiligten 5.4 Wertsystem der Universell Aktiven 5.5 Wertsystem der Geselligen Spannungsorientierten 5.6 Wertsystem der Agilen Informationshungrigen 5.7 Wertsystem der Elektronikgeneigten Actionsuchenden 5.8 Überblickspositionierung der Lebensstile und sozialstruktureller Merkmale 5.9 Fazit 6. Resümee
Ziel der hier durchgeführten Analyse war es herauszufinden, ob und inwieweit sich unterschiedliche Wohlfahrtsstaaten auf das Erwerbsverhalten von Frauen nach der Geburt des ersten Kindes auswirken. Dazu wurde ein deutsch-britischer Ländervergleich angestellt. Die beiden Länder dienten exemplarisch für den konservativ-korporatistischen (Deutschland) und den liberalen (Großbritannien) Wohlfahrtsstaatstypus. Inhalt: Teil I Theoretischer Hintergrund 1 Zum Begriff des "Wohlfahrtsstaates" 1.1 Wohlfahrtsstaatstypologien nach Esping-Andersen 2 Wohlfahrtsstaat und Geschlechterverhältnisse 2.1 Kulturelle Rahmenbedingungen zur Erklärung unterschiedlichen Erwerbsverhaltens 3 Der deutsche und der britische Wohlfahrtsstaat 3.1 Wohlfahrtsstaatliche Rahmenbedingungen 3.1.1 Möglichkeiten der Kinderbetreuung 3.1.2 Systeme der Ehegattenbesteuerung 3.1.3 Familienpolitische Regulierungen 3.2 Kulturelle Unterschiede – Entwicklungen der Geschlechterverhältnisse in Deutschland und Großbritannien 3.2.1 Die Entwicklung der Geschlechterverhältnisse in Ost- und Westdeutschland 3.2.2 Die Entwicklung der Geschlechterverhältnisse in Großbritannien 4 Die Bedeutung von Teilzeitbeschäftigung für Frauen 5 Der Einfluss von Bildung und Bildungssystemen auf die Erwerbstätigkeit von Frauen Teil II Empirische Analyse 6 Hypothesenbildung 7 Der Datensatz 8 Ergebnisse 8.1 Deutschland und Großbritannien im Vergleich 8.2 Deutschland – Großbritannien nach Bildungsgruppen Fazit
Die Dunkelziffer der Armut
(2003)
In der vorliegenden Arbeit soll Aufschluss über die Motivationen zum Verzicht auf Sozialhilfe gewonnen werden. Darüber hinaus soll der Wissensstand über Ausmaß und demographischen Struktur der Armut durch Nichtinanspruchnahme aktualisiert werden. Die Analyse basiert auf Daten aus dem Jahr 2001 des Sozio-ökonomischen Panels (SOEP) des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung. Inhalt: I. Einleitung II. Das Bundessozialhilfegesetz der Bundesrepublik III. Literaturüberblick: Nicht-Inanspruchnahme von Sozialhilfe in der Bundesrepublik IV. Hypothesen und Operationalisierung V. Daten und Sozialhilfeberechtigung VI. Das statistische Modell VII. Regressionsanalyse und Ergebnisse VIII. Zusammenfassung
In dieser Arbeit wird den verschiedenen Thesen, die das Wahlverhalten in Ostdeutschland begründen, nachgegangen. Der Einbezug der politischen Kultur scheint als Erweiterung des sozialpsychologischen Ansatzes notwendig, um das Wählerverhalten in den neuen Bundesländern angemessen zu modellieren. Für die Analyse der Parteiaffinitäten werden die in den ersten beiden Kapiteln ausgearbeiteten Deutungen zu empirisch überprüfbaren Hypothesen verdichtet und anhand der im empirischen Teil der Arbeit aufgestellten Regressionsmodelle getestet. Inhalt: Die politische Kultur in Ostdeutschland - Besonderheiten politischer Einstellungen: Einstellungen zur Demokratie, Identitätsabgrenzung - Problemwahrnehmungen und Kompetenzzuweisungen Ostdeutsches Wahlverhalten - Thesen - Politisierung der Sozialstruktur - Anwendbarkeit des Konzeptes Parteiidentifikation - Parteiidentifikation und Sozialstruktur - Sachthemen und Kandidaten Empirischer Test - Daten und Methode: Kausalmodell - Hypothesen - Ergebnisse für die einzelnen Parteien: CDU, SPD, PDS - Relatives Gewicht lang- und kurzfristiger Faktoren Fazit - Diskussion der Ergebnisse
Gegenstand des Projektes war eine Befragung der Gremien zur kommunalen Kriminalitätsverhütung des Landes Brandenburg. Ziel des Projektes war eine Bestandsaufnahme und Systematisierung der konkreten regionalen Erscheinungsformen von Gewalt und Fremdenfeindlichkeit und ihrer möglichen Ursachen sowie die Ermittlung des von den KKV-Gremien wahrgenommenen politischen Handlungsbedarfs. Inhalt: Gewalt und Fremdenfeindlichkeit: Phänomene, Analyseebenen, Problem- und Thematisierungswellen, Erklärungsansätze und Schlussfolgerungen für die Prävention Kommunale Problemkonstellation und Problembearbeitung gemäß der Expertenbefragung der Leiter der vor Ort bestehenden Gremien kommunaler Kriminalitätsverhütung im Land Brandenburg - Integrationsprobleme und Anlässe der Gewalt - Kommunale Integrationsmaßnahmen - Jugendsubkulturen aus der Sicht kommunaler Gremien zur Kriminalitätsverhütung - Präventionsmaßnahmen zu den Jugendsubkulturen - Gremien zur kommunalen Kriminalitäts-Prävention und Möglichkeiten der Vernetzung - Maßnahmen der KKV-Kommissionen Schlussfolgerungen und Empfehlungen zur Prävention - Grundlegende Werte als Basis eines friedlichen Zusammenlebens stärken - Soziale Integration fördern - Umgang mit Medien und Images verbessern - Regionale Identität als Basis gemeinschaftlicher Verantwortung stärken - Die innerschulische soziale Integration verbessern - Kinder- und Jugendarbeit verstetigen - Zivilgesellschaftliche Initiativen unterstützen - Konsequentes rechtsstaatliches Handeln der Ordnungskräfte - Wirkung bisheriger Maßnahmen - Prävention und Präventionsgremien
Inhalt: Kriminalität als gesellschaftliches Phänomen - Begrifflichkeiten - Statistische Erfassung von Kriminalität - Entwicklung von Kriminalität in der BRD Das Land Brandenburg in ausgewählten Strukturmerkmalen - Siedlungsstruktur und Verwaltungsgliederung - Bevölkerungsentwicklung - Wirtschaftsstruktur und Arbeitsmarkt Gewaltkriminalität im Land Brandenburg - Gewaltkriminalitätsbelastung - Zusammenhänge zwischen Ortsgröße und Zahl der Gewalttaten: Jahr 1999, Jahr 2000, Entwicklung 1999-2000 - Alterstruktur der Tatverdächtigen - Zusammenhänge zwischen Strukturmerkmalen und Gewaltkriminalität Zusammenfassung
Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der OECD-Länder. Inhalt: 1. Einleitung 2. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung 3. Die theoretische Entwicklung des Pfadmodells 3.1. Die Zielvariablen 3.2. Die Einflußfaktoren der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit 4. Die empirische Analyse 4.1. Korrelationskoeffizienten 4.2. Multiple lineare Regression 5. Schlußbemerkungen
Inhalt: Veränderte ostdeutsche Lebenswelt - Darstellung der Verschiebungen innerhalb des Erwerbsstatus in den neuen Bundesländern Erwerbsstatus in Ostdeutschland vor und nach staatlichen Eingriffen Die sektorale Verteilung der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft - Erfinder und Nachahmer? Die sektorale Verteilung der ostdeutschen Wirtschaft im Bundeslandvergleich - Exkurs: Der öffentliche Dienst Die neuen Berufe - Klassifizierung der ausgeübten Tätigkeiten in den tertiären Beschäftigungsbereichen - Entwicklungsdynamiken an ausgewählten Beispielen des Dienstleistungssektors - Geschlecht und Alter als Determinanten der Beschäftigung
Echo lernt sprechen
(2006)
Was Frau wissen darf
(2006)
On the basis of the Dynamic Syntax framework, this paper argues that the production pressures in dialogue determining alignment effects and given versus new informational effects also drive the shift from case-rich free word order systems without clitic pronouns into systems with clitic pronouns with rigid relative ordering. The paper introduces assumptions of Dynamic Syntax, in particular the building up of interpretation through structural underspecification and update, sketches the attendant account of production with close coordination of parsing and production strategies, and shows how what was at the Latin stage a purely pragmatic, production-driven decision about linear ordering becomes encoded in the clitics in theMedieval Spanish system which then through successive steps of routinization yield the modern systems with immediately pre-verbal fixed clitic templates.
We analyze anaphoric phenomena in the context of building an input understanding component for a conversational system for tutoring mathematics. In this paper, we report the results of data analysis of two sets of corpora of dialogs on mathematical theorem proving. We exemplify anaphoric phenomena, identify factors relevant to anaphora resolution in our domain and extensions to the input interpretation component to support it.
Received views of utterance context in pragmatic theory characterize the occurrent subjective states of interlocutors using notions like common knowledge or mutual belief. We argue that these views are not compatible with the uncertainty and robustness of context-dependence in humanhuman dialogue. We present an alternative characterization of utterance context as objective and normative. This view reconciles the need for uncertainty with received intuitions about coordination and meaning in context, and can directly inform computational approaches to dialogue.
Goal-oriented dialog as a collaborative subordinated activity involving collective acceptance
(2006)
Modeling dialog as a collaborative activity consists notably in specifying the contain of the Conversational Common Ground and the kind of social mental state involved. In previous work (Saget, 2006), we claim that Collective Acceptance is the proper social attitude for modeling Conversational Common Ground in the particular case of goal-oriented dialog. We provide a formalization of Collective Acceptance, besides elements in order to integrate this attitude in a rational model of dialog are provided; and finally, a model of referential acts as being part of a collaborative activity is provided. The particular case of reference has been chosen in order to exemplify our claims.
A key problem for models of dialogue is to explain the mechanisms involved in generating and responding to clarification requests. We report a 'Maze task' experiment that investigates the effect of 'spoof' clarification requests on the development of semantic co-ordination. The results provide evidence of both local and global semantic co-ordination phenomena that are not captured by existing dialogue co-ordination models.
How does a shared lexicon arise in population of agents with differing lexicons, and how can this shared lexicon be maintained over multiple generations? In order to get some insight into these questions we present an ALife model in which the lexicon dynamics of populations that possess and lack metacommunicative interaction (MCI) capabilities are compared. We ran a series of experiments on multi-generational populations whose initial state involved agents possessing distinct lexicons. These experiments reveal some clear differences in the lexicon dynamics of populations that acquire words solely by introspection contrasted with populations that learn using MCI or using a mixed strategy of introspection and MCI. The lexicon diverges at a faster rate for an introspective population, eventually collapsing to one single form which is associated with all meanings. This contrasts sharply with MCI capable populations in which a lexicon is maintained, where every meaning is associated with a unique word. We also investigated the effect of increasing the meaning space and showed that it speeds up the lexicon divergence for all populations irrespective of their acquisition method.
Demonstratives, in particular gestures that "only" accompany speech, are not a big issue in current theories of grammar. If we deal with gestures, fixing their function is one big problem, the other one is how to integrate the representations originating from different channels and, ultimately, how to determine their composite meanings. The growing interest in multi-modal settings, computer simulations, human-machine interfaces and VRapplications increases the need for theories ofmultimodal structures and events. In our workshopcontribution we focus on the integration of multimodal contents and investigate different approaches dealing with this problem such as Johnston et al. (1997) and Johnston (1998), Johnston and Bangalore (2000), Chierchia (1995), Asher (2005), and Rieser (2005).
A new method is used in an eye-tracking pilot experiment which shows that it is possible to detect differences in common ground associated with the use of minimally different types of indefinite anaphora. Following Richardson and Dale (2005), cross recurrence quantification analysis (CRQA) was used to show that the tandem eye movements of two Swedish-speaking interlocutors are slightly more coupled when they are using fully anaphoric indefinite expressions than when they are using less anaphoric indefinites. This shows the potential of CRQA to detect even subtle processing differences in ongoing discourse.
Verbal or visual? : How information is distributed across speech and gesture in spatial dialog
(2006)
In spatial dialog like in direction giving humans make frequent use of speechaccompanying gestures. Some gestures convey largely the same information as speech while others complement speech. This paper reports a study on how speakers distribute meaning across speech and gesture, and depending on what factors. Utterance meaning and the wider dialog context were tested by statistically analyzing a corpus of direction-giving dialogs. Problems of speech production (as indicated by discourse markers and disfluencies), the communicative goals, and the information status were found to be influential, while feedback signals by the addressee do not have any influence.
We describe an experiment to gather original data on geometrical aspects of pointing. In particular, we are focusing upon the concept of the pointing cone, a geometrical model of a pointing’s extension. In our setting we employed methodological and technical procedures of a new type to integrate data from annotations as well as from tracker recordings. We combined exact information on position and orientation with rater’s classifications. Our first results seem to challenge classical linguistic and philosophical theories of demonstration in that they advise to separate pointings from reference.
Classical SDRT (Asher and Lascarides, 2003) discussed essential features of dialogue like adjacency pairs or corrections and up-dating. Recent work in SDRT (Asher, 2002, 2005) aims at the description of natural dialogue. We use this work to model situated communication, i.e. dialogue, in which sub-sentential utterances and gestures (pointing and grasping) are used as conventional modes of communication. We show that in addition to cognitive modelling in SDRT, capturing mental states and speech-act related goals, special postulates are needed to extract meaning out of contexts. Gestural meaning anchors Discourse Referents in contextually given domains. Both sorts of meaning are fused with the meaning of fragments to get at fully developed dialogue moves. This task accomplished, the standard SDRT machinery, tagged SDRSs, rhetorical relations, the up-date mechanism, and the Maximize Discourse Coherence constraint generate coherent structures. In sum, meanings from different verbal and non-verbal sources are assembled using extended SDRT to form coherent wholes.
We present a formal analysis of iconic coverbal gesture. Our model describes the incomplete meaning of gesture that’s derivable from its form, and the pragmatic reasoning that yields a more specific interpretation. Our formalism builds on established models of discourse interpretation to capture key insights from the descriptive literature on gesture: synchronous speech and gesture express a single thought, but while the form of iconic gesture is an important clue to its interpretation, the content of gesture can be resolved only by linking it to its context.
In two experiments, many annotators marked antecedents for discourse deixis as unconstrained regions of text. The experiments show that annotators do converge on the identity of these text regions, though much of what they do can be captured by a simple model. Demonstrative pronouns are more likely than definite descriptions to be marked with discourse antecedents. We suggest that our methodology is suitable for the systematic study of discourse deixis.
We present a new analysis of illocutionary forces in dialogue. We analyze them as complex conversational moves involving two dimensions: what Speaker commits herself to and what she calls on Addressee to perform. We start from the analysis of speech acts such as confirmation requests or whimperatives, and extend the analysis to seemingly simple speech acts, such as statements and queries. Then, we show how to integrate our proposal in the framework of the Grammar for Conversation (Ginzburg, to app.), which is adequate for modelling agents' information states and how they get updated.
Claiming that cross-speaker "but" can signal correction in dialogue, we start by describing the types of corrections "but" can communicate by focusing on the Speech Act (SA) communicated in the previous turn and address the ways in which "but" can correct what is communicated. We address whether "but" corrects the proposition, the direct SA or the discourse relation communicated in the previous turn. We will also briefly address other relations signalled by cross-turn "but". After presenting a typology of the situations "but" can correct, we will address how these corrections can be modelled in the Information State model of dialogue, motivating this work by showing how it can be used to potentially avoid misunderstandings. We wrap up by showing how the model presented here updates beliefs in the Information State representation of the dialogue and can be used to facilitate response deliberation.
An account is presented of the focus properties, common ground effect and dialogue behaviour of the accented German discourse marker "doch" and the accented sentence negation "nicht". It is argued that "doch" and "nicht" evoke as a focus alternative the logical complement of the proposition expressed by the sentence in which they occur, and that an analysis in terms of contrastive focus accounts for their effect on the common ground and their function in dialogue.
Improvement of a fluorescence immunoassay with a compact diode-pumped solid state laser at 315 nm
(2006)
We demonstrate the improvement of fluorescence immunoassay (FIA) diagnostics in deploying a newly developed compact diode-pumped solid state (DPSS) laser with emission at 315 nm. The laser is based on the quasi-three-level transition in Nd:YAG at 946 nm. The pulsed operation is either realized by an active Q-switch using an electro-optical device or by introduction of a Cr<SUP>4+</SUP>:YAG saturable absorber as passive Q-switch element. By extra-cavity second harmonic generation in different nonlinear crystal media we obtained blue light at 473 nm. Subsequent mixing of the fundamental and the second harmonic in a β-barium-borate crystal provided pulsed emission at 315 nm with up to 20 μJ maximum pulse energy and 17 ns pulse duration. Substitution of a nitrogen laser in a FIA diagnostics system by the DPSS laser succeeded in considerable improvement of the detection limit. Despite significantly lower pulse energies (7 μJ DPSS laser versus 150 μJ nitrogen laser), in preliminary investigations the limit of detection was reduced by a factor of three for a typical FIA.
Two examples of our biophotonic research utilizing nanoparticles are presented, namely laser-based fluoroimmuno analysis and in-vivo optical oxygen monitoring. Results of the work include significantly enhanced sensitivity of a homogeneous fluorescence immunoassay and markedly improved spatial resolution of oxygen gradients in root nodules of a legume species.