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The aftermath of September 11th is again subject of discussion in the forum of this Winter edition of WeltTrends. Besides scholars from Poland and Germany, wellknown politicians from all parties represented in the Bundestag deal with questions that arise from the brutal attacks of Islamic terrorism in the Western world. There is a wide consensus that conflicts in regions of crises such as the Middle East have to be solved first before peace can be established. More or less constructive suggestions were made concerning the role of Euro-Atlantic institutions. International efforts under the jurisdiction of the UN will have to be strengthened in order to install democratic structures in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Most of the opinions, ideas and impressions represented here have in common that they give an outlook of what will keep the daily political life busy for the next few years.
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
The Bush Administration supported, earlier than some West European NATO partners, the reunification of the two German states. When the crisis of the political system in East Germany escalated in 1989, the US-government tried to link the support for far-reaching democratic reforms with a rapid involvement of all NATO members in the unification strategy of the Bonn government. For the Bush administration, the most complicated task was to convince the Moscow leadership that a loss of the GDR as a strategic domain in the Central Europe, and NATO membership of a united Germany, would not undermine security interests of the Soviet Union. At the End of the East-West-Conflict, German unification was in full accordance with the global strategic interests of the United States.
"Considerons une particule mobile se mouvant aleatoirement sur la droite (ou sur un segment de droite). Supposons qu'il existe une probabilite F(x,y;s,t) bien definie pour que la particule se trouvant a l'instant s dans la position x se trouve a l'instant t (> s) a gauche de y, probabilite independante du mouvement anterieur de la particule...." Mit diesen Worten beginnt eines der berühmtesten mathematischen Manuskripte des letzten Jahrhunderts. Es stammt vom Soldaten Wolfgang Döblin, Sohn des deutschen Schriftstellers Alfred Döblin, und trägt den Titel "Sur l'equation de Kolmogoroff". Seine Veröffentlichung verbindet sich mit einer unglaublichen Geschichte. Wolfgang Döblin, stationiert mit seiner Einheit in den Ardennen im Winter 1939/1940, arbeitete an diesem Manuskript. Er entschloss sich, es als versiegeltes Manuskript an die Academie des Sciences in Paris zu schicken. Aber er kehrte nie aus diesem Krieg zurück. Sein Manuskript blieb 60 Jahre unter Verschluss im Archiv, und wurde erst im Jahre 2000 geöffnet. Wie weit Döblin damit seiner Zeit voraus war, wurde erkannt, nachdem es von Bernard Bru und Marc Yor ausgewertet worden war. Im ersten Satz umschreibt W. Döblin gleichzeitig das Programm des Manuskripts: "Wir betrachten ein bewegliches Teilchen, das sich zufällig auf der Geraden (oder einem Teil davon) bewegt." Er widmet sich damit der Aufgabe, die Fundamente eines Gebiets zu legen, das wir heute als stochastische Analysis bezeichnen.
We investigate whether political ideology has an observable effect on decarbonization ambition, renewable power aims, and preferences for power system balancing technologies in four European countries. Based on the Energy Logics framework, we identify ideologically different transition strategies (state-centered, market-centered, grassroots-centered) contained in government policies and opposition party programs valid in 2019. We compare these policies and programs with citizen poll data. We find that ideology has a small effect: governments and political parties across the spectrum have similar, and relatively ambitious, decarbonization and renewables targets. This mirrors citizens' strong support for ambitious action regardless of their ideological self-description. However, whereas political positions on phasing out fossil fuel power are clear across the policy space, positions on phasing in new flexibility options to balance intermittent renewables are vague or non-existent. As parties and citizens agree on strong climate and renewable power aims, the policy ambition is likely to remain high, even if governments change.
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany’s foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik. This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends. Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.
In this paper, we consider families of time Markov fields (or reciprocal classes) which have the same bridges as a Brownian diffusion. We characterize each class as the set of solutions of an integration by parts formula on the space of continuous paths C[0; 1]; R-d) Our techniques provide a characterization of gradient diffusions by a duality formula and, in case of reversibility, a generalization of a result of Kolmogorov.