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Voice onset time (VOT), a primary cue for voicing in many languages including English and German, is known to vary greatly between speakers, but also displays robust within-speaker consistencies, at least in English. The current analysis extends these findings to German. VOT measures were investigated from voiceless alveolar and velar stops in CV syllables cued by a visual prompt in a cue-distractor task. Comparably to English, a considerable portion of German VOT variability can be attributed to the syllable’s vowel length and the stop’s place of articulation. Individual differences in VOT still remain irrespective of speech rate. However, significant correlations across places of articulation and between speaker-specific mean VOTs and standard deviations indicate that talkers employ a relatively unified VOT profile across places of articulation. This could allow listeners to more efficiently adapt to speaker-specific realisations.
We examined gestural coordination in C1C2 (C1 stop, C2 lateral or tap) word initial clusters using articulatory (electromagnetic articulometry) and acoustic data from six speakers of Standard Peninsular Spanish. We report on patterns of voice onset time (VOT), gestural plateau duration of C1, C2, and their overlap. For VOT, as expected, place of articulation is a major factor, with velars exhibiting longer VOTs than labials. Regarding C1 plateau duration, voice and place effects were found such that voiced consonants are significantly shorter than voiceless consonants, and velars show longer duration than labials. For C2 plateau duration, lateral duration was found to vary as a function of onset complexity (C vs. CC). As for overlap, unlike in French, where articulatory data for clusters have also been examined, clusters where both C1 and C2 are voiced show more overlap than where voicing differs. Further, overlap was affected by the C2 such that clusters where C2 is a tap show less overlap than clusters where C2 is a lateral. We discuss these results in the context of work aiming to uncover phonetic (e.g., articulatory or perceptual) and phonological forces (e.g., syllabic organization) on timing.
Perceptuomotor compatibility between phonemically identical spoken and perceived syllables has been found to speed up response times (RTs) in speech production tasks. However, research on compatibility effects between perceived and produced stimuli at the subphonemic level is limited. Using a cue-distractor task, we investigated the effects of phonemic and subphonemic congruency in pairs of vowels. On each trial, a visual cue prompted individuals to produce a response vowel, and after the visual cue appeared a distractor vowel was auditorily presented while speakers were planning to produce the response vowel. The results revealed effects on RTs due to phonemic congruency (same vs. different vowels) between the response and distractor vowels, which resemble effects previously seen for consonants. Beyond phonemic congruency, we assessed how RTs are modulated as a function of the degree of subphonemic similarity between the response and distractor vowels. Higher similarity between the response and distractor in terms of phonological distance-defined by number of mismatching phonological features-resulted in faster RTs. However, the exact patterns of RTs varied across response-distractor vowel pairs. We discuss how different assumptions about phonological feature representations may account for the different patterns observed in RTs across response-distractor pairs. Our findings on the effects of perceived stimuli on produced speech at a more detailed level of representation than phonemic identity necessitate a more direct and specific formulation of the perception-production link. Additionally, these results extend previously reported perceptuomotor interactions mainly involving consonants to vowels.
We pursue an analysis of the relation between qualitative syllable parses and their quantitative phonetic consequences. To do this, we express the statistics of a symbolic organization corresponding to a syllable parse in terms of continuous phonetic parameters which quantify the timing of the consonants and vowels that make up syllables: consonantal plateau durations, vowel durations, and their variances. These parameters can be estimated from continuous phonetic data. This enables analysis of the link between symbolic phonological form and the continuous phonetics in which this form is manifest. Pursuing such an analysis, we illustrate the predictions of the syllabic organization corresponding to simplex onsets and derive a number of previously experimentally observed and simulation results. Specifically, we derive not only the canonical phonetic manifestations of simplex onsets but also the result that, under certain conditions we make precise, the phonetic indices of the simplex onset organization change to a range of values characteristic of the complex onset organization. Finally, we explore the behavior of phonetic indices for syllabic organization over progressively increasing,sizes of lexical samples, thereby concomitantly diversifying the phonetic context over which these indices are taken.
This study focuses on the ability of the adult sound system to reorganise as a result of experience. Participants were exposed to existing and novel syllables in either a listening task or a production task over the course of two days. On the third day, they named disyllabic pseudowords while their electroencephalogram was recorded. The first syllable of these pseudowords had either been trained in the auditory modality, trained in production or had not been trained. The EEG response differed between existing and novel syllables for untrained but not for trained syllables, indicating that training novel sound sequences modifies the processes involved in the production of these sequences to make them more similar to those underlying the production of existing sound sequences. Effects of training on the EEG response were observed both after production training and mere auditory exposure.
Previous studies suggest that there are special timing relations in syllable onsets. The consonants are assumed to be timed, on the one hand, with the vocalic nucleus and, on the other hand, with each other. These competing timing relations result in the C-center effect. However, the C-center effect has not consistently been found in languages with complex onsets. Moreover, it has occasionally been found in languages disallowing complex onsets. The present study investigates onset timing in German while discussing alternative explanations (not related to bonding) for the timing patterns observed. Six German speakers were recorded via Electromagnetic Articulography. The corpus contained items with four clusters (/sk/, /kv/, /gl/, and /pl/). The clusters occur in word-initial position, word-medial position, and across a word boundary preceding different vowels. The results suggest that segmental properties (i.e., oral-laryngeal coordination, coarticulatory resistance) determine the observed timing patterns, and specifically the absence or presence of the C-center effect.