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Do properties of individual languages shape the mechanisms by which they are processed? By virtue of their nonconcatenative
morphological structure, the recognition of complex words in Semitic languages has been argued to rely
strongly on morphological information and on decomposition into root and pattern constituents. Here, we report results
from a masked priming experiment in Hebrew in which we contrasted verb forms belonging to two morphological
classes, Paal and Piel, which display similar properties, but crucially differ on whether they are extended to novel verbs.
Verbs from the open-class Piel elicited familiar root priming effects, but verbs from the closed-class Paal did not. Our
findings indicate that, similarly to other (e.g., Indo-European) languages, down-to-the-root decomposition in Hebrew
does not apply to stems of non-productive verbal classes. We conclude that the Semitic word processor is less unique
than previously thought: Although it operates on morphological units that are combined in a non-linear way, it engages
the same universal mechanisms of storage and computation as those seen in other languages.