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Basiswissen BWL – prägnant und verständlich vermittelt. Das Lehrbuch vermittelt Wirtschaftswissenschaftlern, angehenden Wirtschaftsingenieuren und -informatikern sowie Nebenfachstudierenden aus dem technischen Bereich die wichtigsten Grundlagen der BWL. Die 6. Auflage wurde umfassend überarbeitet, an die aktuelle Gesetzeslage angepasst und inhaltlich erweitert. Lernziele, Beispiele, Kontrollfragen und Aufgaben inklusive Lösungen erleichtern das selbstständige Lernen. Das optimierte Layout sorgt für mehr Übersichtlichkeit.
The article compares the postdemocracy with the postsocialism. At first the paper analyzes the debate of the postdemocracy and points out an analytical model of postdemocracy. Afterwards the paper searches for symptoms of the postdemocracy within the case of Russia which appears as one possible ideal type of postsocialism. The comparison shows that both post-phenomenons are two sides of one global process of transformation. However, the case of postsocialism acts as a trendsetter. The postsocialist Russia sets an example for the possible developments of the postdemocracy.
There is a clear trend in Western democratic countries towards regularizing the status of long-term ethnic minority residents through the conferral of full and equal citizenship rights. Ethnic minorities who arrived as irregular or temporary migrants in the West are increasingly allowed to follow the immigrant path towards integration into the broader citizenry. This is largely due to recognition that the price of exclusion is not only unjust, but it increases the risk of racial tensions, criminality, and social violence. Investigating the relevance of these Western developments to Cambodia, this article focuses on Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese minority. Despite residing in Cambodia for generations, ethnic Vietnamese have traditionally been regarded as 'foreign residents' and denied citizenship. Based on extensive field research, this article considers the history and reality of Cambodia's ethnic Vietnamese minority as well as the ethnically-exclusionary policies and practices of the state and Khmer majority towards them.
Using 2184 roll call votes (RCV) from 42 electoral terms this paper tests the influence of different factors on party unity in the German Landtage. It finds evidence that the strategic calculus behind RCV-requests is a crucial predictor for unity scores. The requesting party group is on average significantly more united than its parliamentary competitors. It also shows that government status, thin governmental majorities and a growing ideological distance between government and opposition increase unity. Electoral incentives, however, do not seem to influence voting behavior in the German Lander.
The main thread of this review article is to identify the reasons of how to account for the trajectory of American power in the region. Leaving behind the vast amount of highly politicised and hastily compiled volumes of recent years (notwithstanding valuable exceptions), the monographs composed by Lawrence Freedman, Trita Parsi and Oliver Roy attempt to subtly disentangle the intricacies of US involvement in the region from highly distinct perspectives. One caveat for International Relations theorists is that none of the aforementioned authors intends to provide theoretical frameworks for his examination. However, since IR theory has damagingly neglected history in the last decades, the works under review here, at least in part, compensate for this disciplinary and intellectual failure.
In conclusion, Freedman's in-depth approach as a diplomatic historian, with its underlying reference to the various traditions in US foreign policy thinking, is most illuminating, while Parsi's contestable account focuses too narrowly on the Iran-Israel relationship. Roy's explications fail to show how and why the 'ideological' element in US foreign policy came to carry exceedingly more weight after 2001 than it did in the 1990s.
Squatting as a housing strategy and as a tool of urban social movements accompanies the development of capitalist cities worldwide. We argue that the dynamics of squatter movements are directly connected to strategies of urban renewal in that movement conjunctures occur when urban regimes are in crisis. An analysis of the history of Berlin squatter movements, their political context and their effects on urban policies since the 1970s, clearly shows how massive mobilizations at the beginning of the 1980s and in the early 1990s developed in a context of transition in regimes of urban renewal. The crisis of Fordist city planning at the end of the 1970s provoked a movement of 'rehab squatting' (Instandbesetzung), which contributed to the institutionalization of 'cautious urban renewal'(behutsame Stadterneuerung) in an important way. The second rupture in Berlin's urban renewal became apparent in 1989 and 1990, when the necessity of restoring whole inner-city districts constituted a new, budget-straining challenge for urban policymaking. Whilst in the 1980s the squatter movement became a central condition for and a political factor of the transition to 'cautious urban renewal', in the 1990s large-scale squatting - mainly in the eastern parts of the city - is better understood as an alien element in times of neoliberal urban restructuring.