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In recent years, the category of evidentiality has also come into use for the description of Romance languages and of German. This has been contingent on a change in its interpretation from a typological category to a semantic-pragmatic category, which allows an application to languages lacking specialised morphemes for the expression of evidentiality. We consider evidentiality to be a structural dimension of grammar, the values of which are expressed by types of constructions that code the source of information which a speaker imparts. If we look at the situation in Romance languages and in German, drawing a boundary between epistemic modality and evidentiality presents problems that are difficult to solve. Adding markers of the source of the speaker’s knowledge often limits the degree of responsibility of the speaker for the content of the utterance. Evidential adverbs are a frequently used means of marking the source of the speaker’s knowledge. The evidential meaning is generalised to marking any source of knowledge, what can be regarded as a result of a process of pragmaticalisation. The use of certain means which also carry out evidential markings can even contribute to the blurring of the different kinds of evidentiality. German also has modal verbs which in conjunction with the perfect tense of the verb have a predominantly evidential use (sollen and wollen). But even here the evidential marking is not without influence on the modality of the utterance. The Romance languages, however, do not have such specialised verbs for expressing evidentiality in certain contexts. To do this, they mark evidentiality – often context bound – by verb forms such as the conditional and the imperfect tense. This article shall contrast the different architectures used in expressing evidentiality in German and in the Romance languages.
In recent years, the category of evidentiality has also come into use for the description of Romance languages and of German. This has been contingent on a change in its interpretation from a typological category to a semantic-pragmatic category, which allows an application to languages lacking specialised morphemes for the expression of evidentiality. We consider evidentiality to be a structural dimension of grammar, the values of which are expressed by types of constructions that code the source of information which a speaker imparts. If we look at the situation in Romance languages and in German, drawing a boundary between epistemic modality and evidentiality presents problems that are difficult to solve. Adding markers of the source of the speaker's knowledge often limits the degree of responsibility of the speaker for the content of the utterance. Evidential adverbs are a frequently used means of marking the source of the speaker's knowledge. The evidential meaning is generalised to marking any source of knowledge, what can be regarded as a result of a process of pragmaticalisation. The use of certain means which also carry out evidential markings can even contribute to the blurring of the different kinds of evidentiality. German also has modal verbs which in conjunction with the perfect tense of the verb have a predominantly evidential use (sollen and wollen). But even here the evidential marking is not without influence on the modality of the utterance. The Romance languages, however, do not have such specialised verbs for expressing evidentiality in certain contexts. To do this, they mark evidentiality - often context bound - by verb forms such as the conditional and the imperfect tense. This article shall contrast the different architectures used in expressing evidentiality in German and in the Romance languages.
In recent years, the category of evidentiality has also come into use for the description of Romance languages and of German. This has been contingent on a change in its interpretation from a typological category to a semantic-pragmatic category, which allows an application to languages lacking specialised morphemes for the expression of evidentiality. We consider evidentiality to be a structural dimension of grammar, the values of which are expressed by types of constructions that code the source of information which a speaker imparts. If we look at the situation in Romance languages and in German, drawing a boundary between epistemic modality and evidentiality presents problems that are difficult to solve. Adding markers of the source of the speaker's knowledge often limits the degree of responsibility of the speaker for the content of the utterance. Evidential adverbs are a frequently used means of marking the source of the speaker's knowledge. The evidential meaning is generalised to marking any source of knowledge, what can be regarded as a result of a process of pragmaticalisation. The use of certain means which also carry out evidential markings can even contribute to the blurring of the different kinds of evidentiality. German also has modal verbs which in conjunction with the perfect tense of the verb have a predominantly evidential use (sollen and wollen). But even here the evidential marking is not without influence on the modality of the utterance. The Romance languages, however, do not have such specialised verbs for expressing evidentiality in certain contexts. To do this, they mark evidentiality - often context bound - by verb forms such as the conditional and the imperfect tense. This article shall contrast the different architectures used in expressing evidentiality in German and in the Romance languages.
Die Dissertation legt ihren Schwerpunkt auf die synchronische und diachronische Variation im Gebrauch der französischen Kausalkonjunktion parce que sowie auf die Interaktion mit den außersprachlichen Variablen Alter und sozioprofessionelle Kategorie. Basierend auf vorausgehenden makrodiachronischen Studien, die Anhaltspunkte dafür liefern, dass die Konjunktion einen Prozess der Pragmatikalisierung durchlaufen hat und weiterhin durchläuft, wurde ein Untersuchungskorpus von 56 Interviews aus den diachronisch distinkten Korpora ESLO1, ESLO2 und LangAge extrahiert. Dieses Untersuchungskorpus diente als Grundlage für Panelstudien und Trendstudien, die darauf ausgerichtet waren, die Pragmatikalisierung von parce que aus einem mikrodiachronischen Gesichtspunkt zu verifizieren. Zusätzlich zu der diachronischen Perspektive wurde eine synchronische Perspektive eingenommen, um die Variation im Gebrauch der Konjunktion so einem diachronischen Phänomen wie dem age grading oder der apparent time zuordnen zu können. Ausgehend von der Theorie der Konstruktionsgrammatik wurden parce que enthaltende Konstruktionen bottom-up annotiert und in fünf Pragmatikalitätsgrade kategorisiert (pra0–pra4). Diese wurden anschließend quantifiziert und in Abhängigkeit des Geburtsjahres und der sozioprofessionellen Kategorie der (männlichen) Sprecher mithilfe mehrerer R-Modelle wie ctrees, trees, lm, hclust und kmeans analysiert.
Die Frequenzentwicklung der Pragmatikalitätsgrade bestätigte die Pragmatikalisierungshypothese in einem mikrodiachronischen Rahmen. Zudem konnte ein quantitativer Rückgang im Gebrauch der Konstruktionen am nicht- oder weniger pragmatikalisierten (pra0, pra1) Pol festgestellt werden, während Verwendungsweisen höherer Pragmatikalisierungsgrade (pra2–pra4) über 40 Jahre vergleichsweise stabil blieben.
Obwohl für pra2 kein signifikanter Wandel hervortrat, wies dessen Entwicklung bei den Sprechern im mittleren Lebensalter sowie das synchronische Muster in Abhängigkeit von Alter (oder Geburtsjahr) und von sozioprofessioneller Kategorie dennoch in Richtung einer zugrundeliegenden diachronischen Variation. Diese könnte als ein durch die sozialen Transformationen der 1960er und 1970er Jahre katalysiertes Phänomen des age grading interpretiert werden. Für die näher am pragmatischen Pol situierten Gebrauchsweisen (pra3 und pra4) konnte keine klare Tendenz ermittelt werden.
Die Ergebnisse fordern diachronische Konzepte wie age grading und apparent time heraus, indem sie die Simplizität der zugrundeliegenden Mechanismen sowie die gängigen Methoden, diese zu identifizieren, infrage stellen.