Refine
Document Type
- Article (6)
- Bachelor Thesis (1)
- Monograph/Edited Volume (1)
- Doctoral Thesis (1)
- Postprint (1)
Is part of the Bibliography
- yes (10)
Keywords
- policy (10) (remove)
Who makes the world?
(2020)
In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics' sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a 'FutureLab', an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve 'the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.
Air pollution has been a persistent global problem in the past several hundred years. While some industrialized nations have shown improvements in their air quality through stricter regulation, others have experienced declines as they rapidly industrialize. The WHO’s 2021 update of their recommended air pollution limit values reflects the substantial impacts on human health of pollutants such as NO2 and O3, as recent epidemiological evidence suggests substantial long-term health impacts of air pollution even at low concentrations. Alongside developments in our understanding of air pollution's health impacts, the new technology of low-cost sensors (LCS) has been taken up by both academia and industry as a new method for measuring air pollution. Due primarily to their lower cost and smaller size, they can be used in a variety of different applications, including in the development of higher resolution measurement networks, in source identification, and in measurements of air pollution exposure. While significant efforts have been made to accurately calibrate LCS with reference instrumentation and various statistical models, accuracy and precision remain limited by variable sensor sensitivity. Furthermore, standard procedures for calibration still do not exist and most proprietary calibration algorithms are black-box, inaccessible to the public. This work seeks to expand the knowledge base on LCS in several different ways: 1) by developing an open-source calibration methodology; 2) by deploying LCS at high spatial resolution in urban environments to test their capability in measuring microscale changes in urban air pollution; 3) by connecting LCS deployments with the implementation of local mobility policies to provide policy advice on resultant changes in air quality.
In a first step, it was found that LCS can be consistently calibrated with good performance against reference instrumentation using seven general steps: 1) assessing raw data distribution, 2) cleaning data, 3) flagging data, 4) model selection and tuning, 5) model validation, 6) exporting final predictions, and 7) calculating associated uncertainty. By emphasizing the need for consistent reporting of details at each step, most crucially on model selection, validation, and performance, this work pushed forward with the effort towards standardization of calibration methodologies. In addition, with the open-source publication of code and data for the seven-step methodology, advances were made towards reforming the largely black-box nature of LCS calibrations.
With a transparent and reliable calibration methodology established, LCS were then deployed in various street canyons between 2017 and 2020. Using two types of LCS, metal oxide (MOS) and electrochemical (EC), their performance in capturing expected patterns of urban NO2 and O3 pollution was evaluated. Results showed that calibrated concentrations from MOS and EC sensors matched general diurnal patterns in NO2 and O3 pollution measured using reference instruments. While MOS proved to be unreliable for discerning differences among measured locations within the urban environment, the concentrations measured with calibrated EC sensors matched expectations from modelling studies on NO2 and O3 pollution distribution in street canyons. As such, it was concluded that LCS are appropriate for measuring urban air quality, including for assisting urban-scale air pollution model development, and can reveal new insights into air pollution in urban environments.
To achieve the last goal of this work, two measurement campaigns were conducted in connection with the implementation of three mobility policies in Berlin. The first involved the construction of a pop-up bike lane on Kottbusser Damm in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the second surrounded the temporary implementation of a community space on Böckhstrasse, and the last was focused on the closure of a portion of Friedrichstrasse to all motorized traffic. In all cases, measurements of NO2 were collected before and after the measure was implemented to assess changes in air quality resultant from these policies. Results from the Kottbusser Damm experiment showed that the bike-lane reduced NO2 concentrations that cyclists were exposed to by 22 ± 19%. On Friedrichstrasse, the street closure reduced NO2 concentrations to the level of the urban background without worsening the air quality on side streets. These valuable results were communicated swiftly to partners in the city administration responsible for evaluating the policies’ success and future, highlighting the ability of LCS to provide policy-relevant results.
As a new technology, much is still to be learned about LCS and their value to academic research in the atmospheric sciences. Nevertheless, this work has advanced the state of the art in several ways. First, it contributed a novel open-source calibration methodology that can be used by a LCS end-users for various air pollutants. Second, it strengthened the evidence base on the reliability of LCS for measuring urban air quality, finding through novel deployments in street canyons that LCS can be used at high spatial resolution to understand microscale air pollution dynamics. Last, it is the first of its kind to connect LCS measurements directly with mobility policies to understand their influences on local air quality, resulting in policy-relevant findings valuable for decisionmakers. It serves as an example of the potential for LCS to expand our understanding of air pollution at various scales, as well as their ability to serve as valuable tools in transdisciplinary research.
Ziel der vorliegenden Bachelorarbeit ist die Untersuchung der Funktion und Wirkung von Ironie in der öffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension. Wie kann eine vermehrte Verwendung von Ironie in der deutschen Berichterstattung das Denken und Sprechen über politisches Geschehen, die freie Meinungs- und Urteilsbildung bis hin zu Entscheidungsfindungen beeinflussen? Als Resultat der qualitativen Dokumentenanalyse wird letztlich ein operationalisiertes Schema konzipiert, welches die genaue Einordnung unterschiedlicher Einsatzmöglichkeiten von Ironie in den öffentlichen Medien auf Textebene erlaubt und in ihrer argumentativen Funktion und komischen Wirkkraft den Einfluss identifiziert, den Ironie auf die jeweilige Sachdebatte nimmt.
Um die zwiespältige Rolle von Ironie im Sprachgebrauch genauer zu bestimmen, wo sie sowohl als nützliches Ausdrucksmittel für die Widersprüchlichkeiten im komplexen gesellschaftspolitischen Geschehen als auch als Ohnmachtsreaktion auf deren Unauflösbarkeit erscheinen kann, nähert sich die Arbeit der Ironie zunächst über ihre epistemologische Geschichte und rhetorische Grunddefinition an. Ironie sagt immer etwas und zugleich etwas anderes. Sie eröffnet somit ein Bedeutungsfeld in der Spannung verschiedener oder gar entgegengesetzter Pole und lässt mehrere unvereinbare Interpretationen zu. Dieses besondere Stilmittel kann also zu einer differenzierten, multiperspektivischen Betrachtung genutzt werden. Oder aber gerade dazu, klare Positionen zu vermeiden und den Rückzug in alternative Auslegungsmöglichkeit einer Aussage offen zu halten.
Im Weiteren sind drei große, epochale Strömungen zu unterscheiden, die in der Ironie eine umfassende Geisteshaltung und erkenntnistheoretische Position verstanden beziehungsweise entwickelt haben: Einzeln erörtert werden die philosophische Verstellungstechnik der sokratischen Ironie, die poetisch-ästhetischen Darstellungsverfahren der romantischen Ironie sowie die kritische Selbstbetrachtung der modernen Ironie. Diese loten aus, ob sich eine ironische Geisteshaltung als differenzierte Annäherung an die komplexe Wahrheit des Menschen oder im Gegenteil als irrationaler Flucht- oder Irrweg entpuppt.
Die zweite Säule der Analyse betrachtet die komische Wirkung von Ironie und die Bedeutung des Lachens für den Menschen, der als einziges Lebewesen zu solch einer Reaktion fähig ist. Wann lacht der Mensch und was drückt er damit aus: Hilflosigkeit an den Grenzen seines sozialen Verhaltensspektrums oder Souveränität im Umgang mit einer ungewohnten Situation? Komik muss in ihrer medialen Anwendung von Unterhaltungskultur bis seriöser Berichterstattung situiert und Ironie klar von anderen komischen Figuren wie der Satire oder dem Sarkasmus unterschieden werden. Ihrer komischen Komponente steht ihr Anteil am Tragischen gegenüber, beide spielen zuweilen zusammen.
Im Rückbezug auf den Einfluss einer ironischen Sprachwahl oder Geisteshaltung auf die Rezension und damit auf die Wahrnehmung des politischen Geschehens finden sich beide Eingangsthesen bestätigt: Ironie kann hilfreiches Ausdrucksmittel oder Symptom gesellschaftlicher Ohnmacht sein. Rhetorisch dient sie als Kampfmittel im Politikdiskurs oder zur Ridikülisierung der Gegenposition. Indem sie stets mehrere Bedeutungsebenen eröffnet und andere oder gar gegensätzliche Denk- und Seinsweisen zugleich in den Blick nimmt, hat Ironie das Potential, politische sowie kulturelle Ideale und Richtlinien neu in Frage zu stellen. In ihrer destruktiven Kraft, Widersprüche anzuzeigen, steckt somit eine aufklärerische Funktion zur Entlarvung von Irrtümern oder Erschließung alternativer Ansätze. Andererseits kann eine Ironisierung in der Betrachtung und Bewertung von Politik auch auf den Wirklichkeits- oder Identitätsverlust einer Gesellschaft hinweisen, wenn nämlich die Lebensrealität angesichts gänzlich unterschiedlicher, doch ebenso denkbarer Organisationsformen und Weltbilder ihre Überzeugungskraft einbüßt. In der modernen Ironie bietet sich wiederum die Chance, diese Relativität von Werten und Normen als Schlüsselerlebnis der eigenen Zeit konstruktiv aufzugreifen.
Das Unterfangen dieser Bachelorarbeit kulminiert darin, all jene diversen Arten und Ebenen von Ironie in einem einzigen Analyseschema nach operationalisierten Kriterien der Linguistik, Rhetorik, Literaturwissenschaft, Philosophie und Ästhetik bestimmbar zu machen. Im zweiten Schritt wendet das Schema diese Forschungsergebnisse schließlich für eine politikwissenschaftliche Einordnung der Funktion und Wirkung von Ironie bei ihrer Verwendung in der öffentlich-kritischen Politikrezension durch textbasierte Medien an. Hierin könnte ein erster Grundstein für eine politische Theorie der Ironie liegen. Das Schema wäre künftig für eine umfassende, quantitative empirische Untersuchung über den Gebrauch von Ironie in den Pressebeiträgen deutscher Medien in der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung einsetzbar.
There is a growing recognition that international organizations (IOs) formulate and adopt policy in a wide range of areas. IOs have emerged as key venues for states seeking joint solutions to contemporary challenges such as climate change or COVID-19, and to establish frameworks to bolster trade, development, security, and more. In this capacity, IOs produce both extraordinary and routine policy output with a multitude of purposes, ranging from policies of historic significance like admitting new members to the more mundane tasks of administering IO staff. This article introduces the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset (IPOD), which covers close to 37,000 individual policy acts of 13 multi-issue IOs in the 1980–2015 period. The dataset fills a gap in the growing body of literature on the comparative study of IOs, providing researchers with a fine-grained perspective on the structure of IO policy output and data for comparisons across time, policy areas, and organizations. This article describes the construction and coverage of the dataset and identifies key temporal and cross-sectional patterns revealed by the data. In a concise illustration of the dataset’s utility, we apply models of punctuated equilibria in a comparative study of the relationship between institutional features and broad policy agenda dynamics. Overall, the Intergovernmental Policy Output Dataset offers a unique resource for researchers to analyze IO policy output in a granular manner and to explore questions of responsiveness, performance, and legitimacy of IOs.
A growing number of studies have recently postulated a so-called local turn in the study of immigrant and refugee integration policy. A fundamental, yet untested, assumption of this body of research is that local (sub-national) policies and administrations shape how migrants and refugees integrate into society. We develop and apply an analytical model using multilevel modeling techniques based on large-N, longitudinal survey data (N > 9000) with refugees (2012–2018) in a highly decentralized country (Germany) to estimate the scope for local policy effects net of individual-level and state- and district-level characteristics. We show that region and district-level variation in integration outcomes across multiple dimensions (employment, education, language, housing, social) is limited (∼5%) within 4–8 years after immigration. We find modest variation in policy indicators (∼10%), which do not appear to directly translate into outcomes. We discuss implications for the study of local policies and the potential for greater convergence between administrative and political science, interested in governance structures and policy variation, and sociology and economics, interested primarily in integration outcomes.
Flood risk management in Europe and worldwide is not static but constantly in a state of flux. There has been a trend towards more integrated flood risk management in many countries. However, the initial situation and the pace and direction of change is very different in the various countries. In this paper, we will present a conceptual framework that seeks to explain why countries opt for different flood risk management portfolios. The developed framework utilises insights from a range of policy science concepts in an integrated way and considers, among others, factors such as geographical characteristics, the experience with flood disasters, as well as human behavioural aspects.
A widespread view in political science is that minority cabinets govern more flexibly and inclusively, more in line with a median-oriented and 'consensual' vision of democracy. Yet there is only little empirical evidence for it. We study legislative coalition-building in the German state of North-Rhine-Westphalia, which was ruled by a minority government between 2010 and 2012. We compare the inclusiveness of legislative coalitions under minority and majority cabinets, based on 1028 laws passed in the 1985–2017 period, and analyze in detail the flexibility of legislative coalition formation under the minority government. Both quantitative analyses are complemented with brief case studies of specific legislation. We find, first, that the minority cabinet did not rule more inclusively. Second, the minority cabinet’s legislative flexibility was fairly limited; to the extent that it existed, it follows a pattern that cannot be explained on the basis of the standard spatial model with policy-seeking parties.
In 2015, German Chancellor Angela Merkel decided to allow over a million asylum seekers to cross the border into Germany. One key concern was that her decision would signal an open-door policy to aspiring migrants worldwide – thus further increasing migration to Germany and making the country permanently more attractive to irregular and humanitarian migrants. This ‘pull-effect’ hypothesis has been a mainstay of policy discussions ever since. With the continued global rise in forced displacement, not appearing welcoming to migrants has become a guiding principle for the asylum policy of many large receiving countries. In this article, we exploit the unique case study that Merkel's 2015 decision provides for answering the fundamental question of whether welcoming migration policies have sustained effects on migration towards destination countries. We analyze an extensive range of data on migration inflows, migration aspirations and online search interest between 2000 and 2020. The results reject the ‘pull effect’ hypothesis while reaffirming states’ capacity to adapt to changing contexts and regulate migration.
After a long history of floodplain degradation and substantial losses of inundation areas over the last decades, a rethinking of floodplain management has taken place in Germany.
Floodplains are now acknowledged as important areas for both biodiversity and society. This transformation has been significantly supported by nationwide research activities. A systematic assessment of the current floodplain management is still lacking.
We therefore developed a scheme to assess floodplain management through the steps of identification, analysis, implementation, and evaluation.
Reviewing the data and literature on nationwide floodplain-related research and activities, we defined key elements of floodplain management for Germany.
We concluded that research activities already follow a strategic nationwide approach of identifying and analyzing floodplains.
Progress in implementation is slow, however, and potentials are far from being reached.
Nevertheless, new and unique initiatives enable Germany to stay on the long-term path of giving rivers more space and improving floodplain conditions.
As Albania is accelerating its preparations towards the European Union candidate status, numerous areas of public policy and practices undergo intensive development processes. Regional development policy is a very new area of public policy in Albania, and needs research and development. This study focuses on the process of sustainable development in Albania, by analyzing and comparing the regional development of regions of Tirana, Shkodra and Kukes. The methodology used consists of a literature/desk review; analytical and comparative approach; qualitative interviews; quantitative data collection; analysis. The research is organized in five chapters. First chapter provides an overview of the study framework. The second outlines the theory and scientific framework for sustainable and regional development in relation with geography. The third chapter presents the picture of the regional development in Albania, analyzing the disparities and regional development in the light of EU requirements and NUTS division. Chapter 4 continues by analyzing and comparing the regional development of the regions: Tirana – driver for change, Shkodra – the North in Development and Kukes – the “shrinking” region. Chapter 5 presents the conclusions and recommendations. This research comes to the conclusions that if growth in Albania is to be increased and sustained, a regional development policy needs to be established.