Refine
Has Fulltext
- yes (136)
Year of publication
Document Type
- Postprint (136) (remove)
Language
- German (136) (remove)
Keywords
- Germany (7)
- Demokratie (4)
- China (3)
- Realpolitik (3)
- democracy (3)
- transatlantic relations (3)
- EU (2)
- European foreign policy (2)
- G8 (2)
- German foreign policy (2)
Institute
- Extern (136) (remove)
Seit den 1980er Jahren nehmen die neuen sozialen Bewegungen in Lateinamerika an Bedeutung rapide zu. Nachhaltige Transformationsprozesse auszulösen steht dabei seit den 1990er Jahren – in Zeiten neoliberaler Globalisierung und steigender Armut – im Zentrum gesellschaftlichen Handelns. Doch, angesichts der bestehenden globalen Strukturen, wie groß ist das Potenzial der neuen Welle sozialer Kräfte wirklich?
Predictability of hydrologic response at the plot and catchment scales: Role of initial conditions
(2004)
This paper examines the effect of uncertain initial soil moisture on hydrologic response at the plot scale (1 m2) and the catchment scale (3.6 km2) in the presence of threshold transitions between matrix and preferential flow. We adopt the concepts of microstates and macrostates from statistical mechanics. The microstates are the detailed patterns of initial soil moisture that are inherently unknown, while the macrostates are specified by the statistical distributions of initial soil moisture that can be derived from the measurements typically available in field experiments. We use a physically based model and ensure that it closely represents the processes in the Weiherbach catchment, Germany. We then use the model to generate hydrologic response to hypothetical irrigation events and rainfall events for multiple realizations of initial soil moisture microstates that are all consistent with the same macrostate. As the measures of uncertainty at the plot scale we use the coefficient of variation and the scaled range of simulated vertical bromide transport distances between realizations. At the catchment scale we use similar statistics derived from simulated flood peak discharges. The simulations indicate that at both scales the predictability depends on the average initial soil moisture state and is at a minimum around the soil moisture value where the transition from matrix to macropore flow occurs. The predictability increases with rainfall intensity. The predictability increases with scale with maximum absolute errors of 90 and 32% at the plot scale and the catchment scale, respectively. It is argued that even if we assume perfect knowledge on the processes, the level of detail with which one can measure the initial conditions along with the nonlinearity of the system will set limits to the repeatability of experiments and limits to the predictability of models at the plot and catchment scales.
The border between Germany and Poland today is undisputed and definite, and thought to promote great co-operation and a culture of good-neighbourliness. Relations between the two governments are progressing nicely. But public opinion and behaviour are still lagging behind. The author describes how thought and emotions on the Polish side are still influenced by memories of the past, especially of the German occupation during the Second World War, and the slow pace of progress in overcoming that memory. He shows that the "shadows of history" have strongly influenced Polish politics in the context of German reunification. Special emphasis is given to the role of the Catholic Church in the controversial debate on the relations towards Germany in the 1950s and 1960s.
The transition and transformation within the three countries dealt with are still in process. In her essay, the author analyses whether there is a need for Poland to re-define its relationship to Germany and Russia, whilst searching for a new identity and a new place within Europe. She argues that there is a set of historical and geopolitical reasons for doing so. But whilst the Polish aim is to normalise its relationship to its neighbours, the perception of Russians and Germans in Poland is rather different. On the one hand, in the Polish people opinion, Germany is the main promoter of their European institutional integration wishes. On the other, relatively aggressive attitude towards Russia can also be identified. The essay is a strong plea for mutual responsibility and co-operation in favour of peace and security in Europe. Additionally Russia is to be regarded as part of European history, and should thus be involved in the European political process.
Germany gained its unity, but the restoration of virtual national cohesion presents itself as a lasting problem. The rebuilding of common national identity forms one complex aspect. Particular West and East German political, social and cultural features still exist. The East Germans brought elements of a peculiar identity into the unity; as a repercussion of some setbacks in their position and of some actual inter-German distinctions, their peculiarities are not yet in retreat. They prolong their role as conventional feelings, in temporary behaviours as an answer to their actual stance, and to a certain extent also with traits staged and suggested by entrenched media interpretations about the presently hampered inter-German evolution.
Based on the discussion on Germany´s new 'central location', the author tries to sketch Germany´s geopolitical position in view of the constellation of powers in Europe from a national point of view. This favourable position offers a great chance for the country to play an active role in Europe’s integration. However, German historical heritage as well as the delicate relationship of Germany´s political elite to the use of power are reasons for the country´s hesitation to fulfill her neighbours’ and her allies’ expectations. Anyhow, Summaries 192 rooted in the West-European and transatlantic integration is Germany the natural dooropener for its Eastern, South-Eastern and Baltic neighbours to become 'members of the club'. )</a> Jahresabo: 40,00 € (ermäßigt: 25,00 €)
Politische Loyalität und Sprachwahl : eine Fallstudie aus dem Flandern des frühen 19. Jahrhunderts
(2005)
Aus Warschauer Perspektive
(2006)
There is sufficient evidence of integration processes in the Asia-Pacific rim. But these processes differ profoundly from the European case. On the other hand integration theory up to the present day has been based mainly on the European evidence. Does this mean, that conventional integration theory is irrelevant in the case of the Asia-Pacific development? This contributuion tries to re-examine the theoretical capacity of various approaches (institionalism, functionalism, regionalism, flying geese pattern, regime-theory) when applied to the realities of transnational interaction and international organization in the Asia-Pacific rim.
In this article, Immanuel Wallerstein tries to anticipate the evolution of world conflicts and structures over the next decades. In his analysis, he identifies three main cleavages which structure future global conflicts: the triadic cleavage between the United States, Europe and Japan, who compete economically; the North-South cleavage between core zones and the periphery of the world economy; and, finally, the cleavage between what he calls the "Spirit of Davos" and the "Spirit of Porto Alegre" as a conflict between alternative images of the future world order. The structure and the dynamics of each cleavage are analysed and their evolution over the next decades is anticipated.
Einerseits führt in Entwicklungsländern die Privatisierung von Wasserbetrieben zu Kostensenkungen. Andererseits verändert sie bisherige Möglichkeiten der Teilnahme. Diese wiederspruchsvollen Entwicklungen diskutiert die Autorin an Beispielen aus Südamerika und Südafrika. Künftige Privatisierungen im Bereich Wasser sollten dauerhafte Formen der Mitwirkung ermöglichen.
In den theoretischen Grundlagen moderner Verfassungsstaaten wird Angst als zentrale politische Größe ausgewiesen. In der Hobbesschen Ursprungsmythologie moderner Staatlichkeit spielt sie eine entscheidende Rolle für die Staatskonstituierung. Aufgrund ihrer Staatszentriertheit bietet die Vertragstheorie allerdings kein hinreichendes Erklärungspotential für die transnationale terroristische Strategie der Angst. Der Angstpolitik des Terrorismus steht aber auch eine Nutzbarmachung der Angst durch Regierungen bedrohter Staaten gegenüber.
This article investigates the fictional narratives written by „Sub-commandante Marcos“ of the Zapatista movement EZLN. It is shown that Marcos uses three distinct frames of reference in his fictional account of the Zapatista guerrilla: an ethnic, a national and a post-national one. Contrary to other studies that emphasize the harmony between the three levels, it can be argued that there exists a fundamental tension between them. There is a tension between the ethnic discourse and the Mexican nationalist discourse which envisions a nation rather than a nation dominated by a single ethno-cultural group. Finally, it can be deduced from these tensions that the EZLN guerrilla is subject to divergent pressures.
Fontanes Medien
(2023)
Theodor Fontane war, im durchaus modernen Sinne, ein Medienarbeiter: Als Presse-Agent in London lernte er die innovativste Presselandschaft seiner Zeit kennen; als Redakteur in Berlin leistete er journalistische Kärrnerarbeit; er schrieb Kritiken über das Theater, die bildende Kunst und die Literatur – und auch seine Romane wie seine Reisebücher sind stets Medienprodukte, als Serien in in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften platziert, bevor sie auf dem Buchmarkt erschienen.
Der vorliegende Band dokumentiert die Ergebnisse eines internationalen Kongresses, veranstaltet 2019 vom Theodor-Fontane-Archiv in Potsdam. Die ebenso rasante wie umfassende Medialisierung und Vernetzung der Gesellschaft im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts wird dabei als produktive Voraussetzung der schriftstellerischen Tätigkeit Fontanes begriffen. Eingebettet in ein weit verzweigtes Netz der Korrespondenz und der postalischen Textzirkulation, vertraut mit den Routinen und Publika der periodischen Massenpresse, für die er sein Leben lang schrieb, und auf vielfältige Weise geprägt von der visuellen Kultur seiner Zeit wird Theodor Fontane als gleichermaßen journalistisch versierter wie ästhetisch sensibler Grenzgänger erkennbar.
Hegemonialmächte im Vorderen und Mittleren Orient : die Dritte Partei in internationalen Konflikten
(1997)
During the last five decades hegemons played an important role in de-escalating international conflicts in the subregion defined as the core of Oriens Islamicus. Statistical analysis of large datasets shows that half of all conflicts remained without any interference from the hegemonial powers at all - both on global scale and in the subregion. In all other cases however, hegemons (especially super-powers in the role of patrons) tended more often to act as (power-) mediators when their client-state was engaged in conflict with a client of the opposing superpower in Oriens Islamicus than they did on global scale. They did this in their own interest in order to avoid direct involvement, i.e. possible danger of a nuclear escalation. In contrast to conventional mediation theory they were more effective in conflict de-escalation than other mediators, especially in conflicts between Israel and its Arab neighbours. The end of bipolarity in the international system also brought this mechanism of de-escalation to an end. It leaves the hegemon(s) as a potentially powerful third party on the one hand, but on the other their inclination to become involved in regional conflict remains rather diminished as long as the basic national interests in the area are not at stake.
The dramatic changes in international relations characterized by the terms "Complex Interdependence" and "Segmentary Globalization" call for new explanation. The author considers the post-modern approaches, a critical analysis of which he presents, to be one possibility to do that. In studies of international policy, these post-modern influences are gaining ground in disputes with realistic and neo-realistic approaches, and they can also clearly be felt in Latin America. Tomassini, based on the historic experiences of Latin America, forcefully calls for an active and constructive incorporation of the region into international developments. For that, Latin-American societies have to establish modern, and open political as well as economic systems which are able to meet those challenges.
Gomułka’s harsh criticism of the Stalinist past and the introduction of liberal elements into the public life of Poland was not welcomed by the East German leadership. Ulbricht demanded full support for the sovereignty of the GDR and tried to prevent any independent Polish moves to come to terms with the Federal Republic. The Polish leadership strived towards a closer economic integration with the GDR and Czechoslovakia to foster industrial development in Poland and to bind the East German state more closely into the "socialist camp". These ideas were flatly rejected by the GDR. The level of economic interdependence between the two German states and the advantages of the GDR resulting from the "intra-German" status of trade and transfer of technologies provoked Gomułka’s distrust. Relations worsened even more when, towards the end of his time in power, Ulbricht moved towards a rapprochement with the FRG and showed some readiness to question the Görlitz treaty on the German-Polish border line.
Die Zukunft Osteuropas entscheidet sich im Spannungsfeld zwischen Russland und der EU. Die dortigen Staaten lösen sich aus der einseitigen Abhängigkeit eines erstarkten und seine Interessen im postsowjetischen Raum verteidigenden Russland. Ob die EU diese Chance in Osteuropa nutzen kann, hängt davon ab, ob sich die Mitgliedstaaten bereitfinden, ihre wirtschaftlichen und geopolitischen Interessen in der Region gemeinsam zu verfolgen.
Neue Akzente statt Neubeginn
(2006)
Ghana’s local government system has been subject to various reform attempts which all involved some sort of decentralisation. This article tries to link decentralisation to changing national policy frames and the various governments’ need to maintain political control. Consequently, decentralisation becomes a dependent variable of the so called bureaucratic development state. After a brief discussion of the colonial and post-colonial local government system in Ghana, emphasis is placed on the crisis of the post colonial state and the emergence of a new local government system in 1988 - which was successfully transformed into the administrative system of Ghana’s 4th republic after 1992. Local participation has been substantially improved an sustained by the introduction of the District Assemblies Common Fund in 1993 which transfers 5% of the national tax income to the districts.
With the new government, coming to power in 1998, a new emphasis on development cooperation as part of a global strategy for structural change was launched. Since then the federal minister for development cooperation – Heidemarie Wieczorek- Zeul – presented some interesting strategic papers under the label "aid as a global policy to overcome structural blockades to social progress and development". Special emphasis was put on the Program of Action for Poverty Reduction and on the strategy paper of a new Africa policy, but neither are concrete results yet in sight nor is an answer to the burning question of what to do with half of all African countries not having a long-term perspective for development at all (the "failing states" etc.). The article shows the great discrepancy between the impressive political rhetoric and the meager budget to cope with the many challenges of the poor developing countries in Africa. The new concept of the enlarged security intends to stabilize the structural conditions for social and economic development. In order to realize this aim, the article proposes a link between public expenditures on military measures for security and such on civil measures for structural security. Finally the article asks how development cooperation can influence the political attitudes of state and society in Africa in the direction of good governance and structural reforms.
"Copernican" is the term the author is calling the turn in present Islamism. After a mostly failed fundamentalist reaction to a high-speed westernisation, there are current debates among Islamists to find an own identity - based on Islam and connected with Western values. Aim of these efforts is to link Islam with the contemporary realities in the Arabian world.
The author shows the strong relation between political developments, frontiers and their graphical representation on maps. Human rights, economic globalisation and the European integration process do change national policy and erode classical border lines. Still today, maps with lines and colours as their main graphic elements represent the world of the 19th century with separate national states in atlases, schoolbooks and electronic media. The main argument of the article insists on stressing the political character of maps and showing the contradiction between the cartographic picture of the world and the recent international transformations. The author concludes with the question of whether maps can reproduce these new developments at all.
Indien und die G8
(2007)
Seit 2005 ist Indien als eines der fünf Outreach-Länder in die Diskussionen der G8 eingebunden. Dies geschah wegen seiner Rolle als eine der Kraftquellen der Weltwirtschaft sowie als viertgrößter globaler Markt. Indien betrachtet ein offenes Welthandelregime und einen größeren Kapitalfluss in die Entwicklungsländer als notwendig, um diesen zu helfen, deren Exporte zu steigern, neue Jobs zu schaffen und den Wohlstand ihrer Produzenten zu erhöhen.
This article is a reply to a statement by Elke Schwinger in WeltTrends 31. The author tries to strike the balance between "coming to terms with the past" and the role of criminal law in this process in Germany. The principle of prohibition of retroactive laws, fixed in the 1990 German Unification Treaty and in the Constitution, had been broken in the trials against the "Mauerschützen" (border guards) in German criminal courts since 1990. There is an artificially constructed past which does not correspond to the reality of the border regime before 1989. The author underlines that today the criminal law is misused for political aims within the German unification process.
Die Individualbeschwerde nach dem Fakultativprotokoll zum Zivilpakt : ein Handbuch für die Praxis
(2004)
Das vorliegende Handbuch bietet vertiefende Informationen zur Individualbeschwerde nach dem Fakultativprotokoll zum Internationalen Pakt über bürgerliche und politische Rechte. Das Handbuch richtet sich in erster Linie an Praktiker/innen, die in ihrer Arbeit mit Menschenrechtsverletzungen konfrontiert sind, insbesondere Rechtsanwälte und Rechtsanwältinnen sowie Menschenrechtsorganisationen. In umfassender, aber komprimierter Form gibt es zuverlässige Hilfestellung bei der Einlegung einer Beschwerde. Darüber hinaus ist das Handbuch auch für Mitarbeitende in Ministerien, Universitäten und sonstigen Einrichtungen geeignet, die sich mit der Materie vertraut machen wollen. (Autorenreferat)
In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany’s foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik. This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends. Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.
Indonesia’s arduous path to democracy is threatened by several domestic conflicts. Although the civil war in Aceh – a region in the north of Sumatra – has claimed thousands of victims, the incidents have not yet been adequately dealt with – neither in the public domain nor within the scientific community. In May 2003, the Indonesian president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, imposed material law on the Aceh region in order to crack down on the separatist movement Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). This step does not seem to be in line with serious concepts of democracy and is threatening the consolidation of the transformation process. The author seeks to shed light on the roots of the conflict, the motivation of leading politicians in Jakarta to deploy military means instead of continuing negotiations, and its consequences for the Indonesian process of democratisation.
Two years after the end of the "hot war" in Kosovo, the situation on the Balkans remains extremely tense. The West embraced the illusion to provide the Kosovo-Albanians with conditions for a substantial autonomy under the umbrella of an international protectorate. The Kosovo-Albanians considered the substantial autonomy as a milestone on their way to independence, while a new Yugoslav-Serbian administration counted on regaining sovereign rights in Kosovo. The escalation of the crisis provided a fresh impetus for new expectations regarding the national question. The claim to separate Kosovo from Yugoslavia had been strengthened. The Albanian role in this process remained ambiguous. Albania has to be considered as an actor and an object, and it perceives its national geopolitical and security interests as affected by the process in Kosovo. Tirana's political orientation is strongly moving towards the Euro-Atlantic community, yet hegemonic interests vis-à-vis Kosovo might play an important role besides Tirana's own limited political influence over the developments in Kosovo.
Geheimdienste in Demokratien
(2006)
Geheimdienste sind für den modernen Staat zur Gewährleistung seiner inneren und äußeren Sicherheit wesentlich und stehen ständig vor neuen Herausforderungen. Die Dienste der Bundesrepublik sind aus der Frontstaatlage im Kalten Krieg gewachsen, und ihr Wert als geheimes Regierungsinstrument ist durch eine Vielzahl systemischer Probleme erheblich eingeschränkt. Zudem gibt es weder eine klare Standortbestimmung der Dienste im politischen System, noch eine moralische Grenzziehung ihrer Aktivitäten.
The security policy of Pakistan is aimed at a reduction of nuclear threats in the South Asian region. It is only natural, that a state, whose national security is endangered by a mighty neighbor, will have to strengthen its defense capacities. Unfortunately, the effective collective measures to prevent and to remove threats to peace and international security as laid down in the Charter of the United Nations prove to be an unreliable promise. Ever since India carried out its first nuclear tests in 1974, Pakistan has been forced into a race to catch up with the capabilities if its neighbor. Nevertheless, Pakistan chose a minimalist approach and refrained from converting its nuclear capabilities into weapon systems. Pakistan is against an arms race in the South Asian region, and opposes the concept of first use of nuclear weapons. To ensure lasting peace, a common vision on disarmament is necessary.
The comprehensive transformation after the breakdown of communist rule was also reflected in a profound change in national policies. The dominating approach in the days of the old regime were grounded in the concept of a single nation state. The years since 1989 witnessed a rise of new democratic attitudes towards national and ethnic minorities. National minorities make up 3 to 4% of the population. Their total number is estimated to be approximately 1.0 to 1.3 Million people. Contemporary national policy rejects the principle of assimilation (polonization) of national and ethnic minorities while supporting their integration.
Wider den „euro-atlantischen Internationalismus“ : Berliner Republik und Entgrenzung der Bundeswehr
(2007)
Inhalt: Frieden mit aller Gewalt schaffen? Tatbestand: Staatsterrorismus Das Weißbuch 2006 Bundesverfassungsgericht versus Bundesverwaltungsgericht Weltweites Interventionsrecht Lizenz zum Völkerrechtsbruch „Re-Transformation“ der Bundeswehr Prinzipien für einen sicherheitspolitischen Grundkonsens Breite öffentliche Debatte notwendig
The economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic during the 60s, known as "New Economic System" (NES) or "Economic System of Socialism" (ESS) have been characterised by historians as truly technocratic. What is often not known is the fact, that during the first debate on economic reform in Eastern Germany in 1954-1958 the idea of democratic reform was prominent thanks to the role and writing of the outstanding GAR economist Fritz Behrens, who favoured a diminished role of the state in the economy and the self-rule of the workers in the factories. Behrens and his followers were denounced by party leader Walter Ulbricht as "revisionist". Together with his economic advisor, Wolfgang Berger, originally a scholar of Behrens’, he started the NES and ESS in the 60s. Behrens remained barred from the management of the reform, in which Berger plaid a prominent role. When Behrens began again to publish his demands for a democratic reform in 1967, thus intervening in the progress of the reform, he was forced to leave his academic job into retirement. In 1971, Erich Honekker succeeded Ulbricht. The economic reform was stopped. And Berger lost his job, too.
Do the transatlantic relations have a future after the Iraq crisis and what will they look like? This question will be discussed in this and the next issue of WeltTrends. For this debate, Thomas Risse, Chair of International Relation at the Freie Universität Berlin, provides the initial input. Risse focuses on controversial issues inside of Europe, the outcome of which will be decisive for the future of the transatlantic relationship. Will the European consensus once constituted by the commitment to international law and multilateralism persist? What is the European position regarding democracy and human rights in the Middle East? Will Europe develop a strategy to cope with the new kind of threats posed by weapons of mass destruction in the hands of dictators or terrorists? Risse´s article has provoked a debate inside the German academic community, whose contributions will be published in the next issue of WeltTrends.
In this issue, we continue and complete the debate on the future of the transatlantic relationship and of world order after the Iraq war. The debate was initiated by an article by Thomas Risse (Freie Universität Berlin) in WeltTrends 39, which has provoked a remarkable reaction within the German academic community, as documented in WeltTrends 40. This issue features additional comments and the rebuttal by Thomas Risse. Most authors believe that the transatlantic partnership is in a serious crisis, but claim that it remains without an alternative for both sides of the Atlantic.
Bei N = 101 Arbeitnehmern verschiedener Berufe wurden mit der Experience Sampling Method (ESM) eine Woche lang Daten zum Flow-Erleben, zu Glück/Zufriedenheit und zur Zielausrichtung laufender Aktivitäten erhoben (N = 4603 Messungen). Die Daten wurden mit GLMM-Analysen ausgewertet. Auch bei der jetzt vollständigen Erfassung aller Flow-Komponenten mit der FKS bestätigte sich das „Paradoxon der Arbeit“, wonach während der Arbeit höhere Flow-Werte, aber niedrigere Werte für Glück/Zufriedenheit auftreten als jeweils in der Freizeit. Während der Arbeit waren Aktivitäten häufiger auf die Erreichung von Zielen ausgerichtet als während der Freizeit. Die Zielausrichtung wirkte auf Flow vs. Glück/Zufriedenheit signifikant verschieden. Während der Arbeit hat die Zielausrichtung auf Flow einen stark positiven Effekt, auf Glück/Zufriedenheit jedoch nicht. Im Freizeitbereich war der Effekt von Zielausrichtung auf Glück/Zufriedenheit sogar negativ. Das „Paradoxon der Arbeit“ lässt sich partiell als Effekt der Zielausrichtung verstehen.
Irans zunehmender Einfluss als Regionalmacht wird wegen seines Atomprogramms und seiner antiwestlichen Politik als Störfaktor bewertet. Die offensive Rhetorik Teherans zielt primär darauf ab, möglichen Gefahren entgegenzutreten. Westliche Politik sollte das allseitig bestehende Interesse an regionaler Stabilität nutzen, um seine ausschließlich auf Eindämmung bedachte Politik zu überwinden.
Bezogen auf das Bruttoinlandsprodukt ist China eine wichtige regionale Wirtschaftsmacht, aber keine Supermacht. Doch das Wachstumspotential zehrt sich auf, auch weil die Investitionsdynamik der Unternehmen und der Bankensektor härteren Kreditrestriktionen unterworfen werden. Chinas bislang geschütztes Finanzsystem, das von der Globalisierung untergraben wird, ist die Achillesferse für das hohe Wachstum.
While at the time of Goethe, Turkey and other parts of the world seemed to be far away. Today’s Germany is confronted with the pressure of globalization. With regard to environmental issues or the threat of terrorism, international co-operation and combined efforts are strongly demanded. Unfortunately, the German higher education system is not prepared to face these challenges. The article calls for the education of an elite at German universities, which is fit to work in national as well in international institutions. The author presents the Master’s of International Relations coursework at the Technical University of Dresden.
Aus dem Inhalt: Die Juvenilhormone 1a-c werden im Blut von Insekten enzymatisch zu den biologisch inaktiven Sluren hydrolysiert. Bei der Hydrolyse von racemischem 1c im Blut der Wanderheuschrecke Locusta migratoria wird ein Umsatz von 40-60% erreicht. Das unumgesetzte Edukt enthällt einen Überschuß an natürlich konfiguriertem (10R)-1c (e.e. 47.2%). Wir konnten zeigen, daß das in der Hämolymphe vorhandene Hormon-Bindungsprotein bevorzugt mit (10R)- 1c assoziiert.
The synthesis of galactose clusters that are linked to a steroid moiety by a peptide-like spacer unit is described. The galactose cluster is obtained by Koenigs-Knorr glycosylation of TRIS-Gly-Fmoc (2b) under Helferich conditions. Peptide and ester bonds are formed after activation of carboxylic acids as diphenylthiophene dioxide (TDO) esters. 6a is synthesized in a convergent way by coupling of (Ac4Gal)3-TRIS-Gly (3e) with cholesteryl TDO succinate (5b). Coupling of (Ac4Gal)3-TRIS-Gly hydrogen succinate (3f) with Gly-O-Chol (5d) by means of EEDQ yields 6d. Reaction of (Ac4Gal)3-TRIS-Gly-SUCC-O-TDO (3g) with 25-hydroxycholesterol leads in a linear sequence to the oxysterol derivative 6f. Selective cleavage of the acetyl groups from galactose units yields the known compound 6b and the new derivatives 6e and 6g.
Since 1989 the German-Czech relationship has been burdened by the problem of a just assessment of World War II and the following forced transfer of the Sudeten Germans. Why are democrats on both sides who acknowledge the same values and principles unable to reach an agreement about crucial events in the past? The political and legal differences imply a moral dissent which is not being discussed systematically. The article tries to investigate the deficits of the moral arguments on both sides.
Militärmacht Deutschland?
(2007)