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In light of the growing emotionalization of public discourse, this article deals with the action of shame allocation in Israeli accountability interviews. A qualitative analysis of tokens of the Hebrew verb lehitbayesh ‘to be ashamed’ in political interviews was conducted using Discursive Psychology and Conversation Analysis methods. The findings show that in this public context the verb lehitbayesh is mostly not used to convey an emotional state, nor can its meaning be explained by the classic theoretical conceptualization of shame. Instead, lehitbayesh is mobilized to allocate shame to another actor, and portrays the allocator as morally superior and as someone who sacrifices for what is right. Lehitbayesh is part of the negotiations between journalists and politicians over the question of who is accountable for a transgressive act, what the desired response is, and who the relevant audience for the moral lesson is.
This paper attempts to account for the syntactic distribution of the particle sey in Turkish, in particular its suffixed variant which is a placeholder for expressions that have to be inserted into the discourse later. The paper argues that the distribution of suffixed sey is determined by constituent structure, meaning that Bey can only substitute for syntactic constituents. Thus, sey acts as a pro-form, similar, for instance, to pronouns substituting for noun phrases. This has two implications: First, as sey is a quasi-universal pro-form with the ability to substitute for a wide range of constituents, sey-substitution can be used as a constituency test to peek into the constituent structure of virtually any major syntactic domain. Second, the overall sey-substitution pattern across different syntactic domains constitutes evidence for Kayne's binary branching hypothesis.
ZAS papers in linguistics
(1997)
The present work deals with the variation in the linearisation of German infinitival complements from a diachronic perspective. Based on the observation that in present-day German the position of infinitival complements is restricted by properties of the matrix verb (Haider, 2010, Wurmbrand, 2001), whereas this appears much more liberal in older stages of German (Demske, 2008, Maché and Abraham, 2011, Demske, 2015), this dissertation investigates the emergence of those restrictions and the factors that have led to a reduced, yet still existing variability. The study contrasts infinitival complements of two types of matrix verbs, namely raising and control verbs. In present-day German, these show different syntactic behaviour and opposite preferences as far as the position of the infinitive is concerned: while infinitival complements of raising verbs build a single clausal domain with the with the matrix verb and occur obligatorily intraposed, infinitive complements of control verbs can form clausal constituents and occur predominantly extraposed. This correlation is not attested in older stages of German, at least not until Early New High German.
Drawing on diachronic corpus data, the present work provides a description of the changes in the linearisation of infinitival complements from Early New High German to present-day German which aims at finding out when the correlation between infinitive type and word order emerged and further examines their possible causes. The study shows that word order change in German infinitival complements is not a case of syntactic change in the narrow sense, but that the diachronic variation results from the interaction of different language-internal and language-external factors and that it reflects, on the one hand, the influence of language modality on the emerging standard language and, on the other hand, a process of specialisation.
This dissertation uses a common grammatical phenomenon, light verb constructions (LVCs) in English and German, to investigate how syntax-semantics mapping defaults influence the relationships between language processing, representation and conceptualization. LVCs are analyzed as a phenomenon of mismatch in the argument structure. The processing implication of this mismatch are experimentally investigated, using ERPs and a dual task. Data from these experiments point to an increase in working memory. Representational questions are investigated using structural priming. Data from this study suggest that while the syntax of LVCs is not different from other structures’, the semantics and mapping are represented differently. This hypothesis is tested with a new categorization paradigm, which reveals that the conceptual structure that LVC evoke differ in interesting, and predictable, ways from non-mismatching structures’.
The ability to spell correctly is a fundamental skill for participating in society and engaging in professional work. In the German language, the capitalization of nouns and proper names presents major difficulties for both native and nonnative learners, since the definition of what is a noun varies according to one’s linguistic perspective. In this paper, we hypothesize that learners use different cognitive strategies to identify nouns. To this end, we examine capitalization exercises from more than 30,000 users of an online spelling training platform. The cognitive strategies identified are syntactic, semantic, pragmatic, and morphological approaches. The strategies used by learners overlap widely but differ by individual and evolve with grade level. The results show that even though the pragmatic strategy is not taught systematically in schools, it is the most widespread and most successful strategy used by learners. We therefore suggest that highly granular learning process data can not only provide insights into learners’ capabilities and enable the creation of individualized learning content but also inform curriculum development.
According to Haider (2010), we have to distinguish three types of infinitival complements in Present-Day German: (i) CP complements, (ii) VP complements and (iii) verbal clusters. While CP complements give rise to biclausal structures, VP complements and verbal clusters indicate a monoclausal structure. Non-finite verbs in verbal clusters build a syntactic unit with the governing verb. It is only the last infinitival pattern that we address as a so-called coherent infinitival pattern, a notion introduced in the influential work of Bech (1955/57). Verbal clusters are bound to languages with an OV grammar, hence the well-known differences regarding infinitival syntax in German and English (Haider 2003, Bobaljik 2004). On the widespread assumption that German has been an OV language throughout its history (Axel 2007), we expect all three types of infinitival complements to be present from the earliest attestions of German.
The role of intonation in the organization of repair and problem handling sequences in conversation
(1988)
Transcripts of repair and/or problem handling sequences from natural conversations are presented and analyzed with special reference to the role of intonation in the interactive organization of these sequences. It is shown that (a) in the initiation of so-called repair or local problem handling sequences, intonation is used as a type-distinctive device, and (b) in the handling of a global problem handling sequence, intonation is systematically used as a means to constitute and control participant cooperation. In general, intonation is analyzed as one contextualization cue cooccurring with specific syntactic, semantic and discourse organizational devices to signal the status of an utterance in conversational context. It is hypothesized that especially in the global problem handling sequence, different categories of intonation, i.e. different accent and contour types, are systematically used to signal and control participants' interactive problem handling in different, indexically relevant ways simultaneously.
The role of case and animacy in biand monolingual children’s sentence interpretation in German
(2019)
German-speaking children appear to have a strong N1-bias when interpreting non-canonical OVSsentences. During sentence interpretation, especially unambiguous accusative and dative case markers (den ‘the-ACC’ and dem ‘the-DAT’) weaken the N1-bias and help building up sentence interpretation strategies on the basis of morphological cues. Still, the N1-bias prevails beyond the age of five (Brandt et al. 2016, Cristante 2016, Dittmar et al. 2008) and remains until puberty (Lidzba et al. 2013). This paper investigates whether prototypical case-animacy coalitions (denACC + N INANIMATE and demDAT + N ANIMATE ) strengthen a morphologically based sentence interpretation strategy in German. The experiment discussed in this paper tests for effects of such case-animacy coalitions in mono- and bilingual primary school children. 20 German monolinguals, 12 Dutch-German and 17 Russian-German bilinguals with a mean age of 9;6 were tested in a forced-choice off-line experiment. Results indicate that case-animacy coalitions weaken the N1-bias in OVS-conditions in German monolinguals and Dutch-German bilinguals, while no effects were found for Russian-German bilinguals. Together with an analysis of individual differences, these group-specific effects are discussed in terms of a developmental approach that represents a gradual cue strength adjustment process in mono- and bilingual children.
The role of case and animacy in biand monolingual children’s sentence interpretation in German
(2019)
German-speaking children appear to have a strong N1-bias when interpreting non-canonical OVSsentences. During sentence interpretation, especially unambiguous accusative and dative case markers (den ‘the-ACC’ and dem ‘the-DAT’) weaken the N1-bias and help building up sentence interpretation strategies on the basis of morphological cues. Still, the N1-bias prevails beyond the age of five (Brandt et al. 2016, Cristante 2016, Dittmar et al. 2008) and remains until puberty (Lidzba et al. 2013). This paper investigates whether prototypical case-animacy coalitions (denACC + N INANIMATE and demDAT + N ANIMATE ) strengthen a morphologically based sentence interpretation strategy in German. The experiment discussed in this paper tests for effects of such case-animacy coalitions in mono- and bilingual primary school children. 20 German monolinguals, 12 Dutch-German and 17 Russian-German bilinguals with a mean age of 9;6 were tested in a forced-choice off-line experiment. Results indicate that case-animacy coalitions weaken the N1-bias in OVS-conditions in German monolinguals and Dutch-German bilinguals, while no effects were found for Russian-German bilinguals. Together with an analysis of individual differences, these group-specific effects are discussed in terms of a developmental approach that represents a gradual cue strength adjustment process in mono- and bilingual children.
Linking elements in German are generally assumed to have developed either from suffixes indicating the genitive singular or from plural markers. In this paper it is argued that only the linking element -(e)s- evolved from an inflectional suffix, that of the genitive case, but not the syllabic linking elements -e-, -er- and -(e)n- homophonous with plural markers. For these linking elements the explanation is doubtful for a number of reasons. The present paper proposes an alternative explanation for the development of such interfixes, according to which both linking elements and plural markers have been grammaticalized from the same old Indo-European stem suffixes which indicated the declension class of the noun.. Their homophony is due to the fact that they both evolved from the same source. After the decline of the original endings, the indicators of moribund inflectional classes became afunctional 'junc' and were then reanalysed either as plural markers or as linking elements. This development of linking elements can thus be shown as a case of exaptation or regrammaticalization.
In 1735, the Leipzig professor of medicine Samuel Theodor Quellmaltz (1696–1758) designed and built an artificial horse. He presented it in an illustrated construction manual, which included precise information about the materials and dimensions of this wooden horse for therapeutic use. This contribution analyses Quellmaltz’s invention of the ‘machine horse’ as a medical and technological contribution to prevalent theories about the paradigmatic role of the machine in Enlightenment thought.
The German Enlightenment
(2017)
The term Enlightenment (or Aufklärung) remains heavily contested. Even when historians delimit the remit of the concept, assigning it to a particular historical period rather than to an intellectual or moral programme, the public resonance of the Enlightenment remains high and problematic—especially when equated in an essentialist manner with modernity or some core values of ‘the West’. This Forum has been convened to discuss recent research on the Enlightenment in Germany, different views of the term and its ideological use in public discourse outside academia (and sometimes within it).
According to Haider (2010), we have to distinguish three types of infinitival complements in Present-Day German: (i) CP complements, (ii) VP complements and (iii) verbal clusters. While CP complements give rise to biclausal structures, VP complements and verbal clusters indicate a monoclausal structure. Non-finite verbs in verbal clusters build a syntactic unit with the governing verb. It is only the last infinitival pattern that we address as a so-called coherent infinitival pattern, a notion introduced in the influential work of Bech (1955/57). Verbal clusters are bound to languages with an OV grammar, hence the well-known differences regarding infinitival syntax in German and English (Haider 2003, Bobaljik 2004). On the widespread assumption that German has been an OV language throughout its history (Axel 2007), we expect all three types of infinitival complements to be present from the earliest attestions of German.
The aim of this article is to investigate the variability in following a textual pattern concerning the text type "portrait" in the press. Grounded on the assumption that the journalistic standard task to portray a person can be realized very differently, the varieties of portraying are brought into focus. In order to describe them three different approaches are selected: (1) a comprehensive text-linguistic approach (variability of textual patterns) makes a frame for analyses based on distinctions by (2) variety linguistics (kinds of language in the press) and (3) media sciences (plans for journalism)
Syntax and Lexis in Conversation : studies on the use of linguistic resources in talk-in-interaction
(2005)
Language can strongly influence the emotional state of the recipient. In contrast to the broad body of experimental and neuroscientific research on semantic information and prosodic speech, the emotional impact of grammatical structure has rarely been investigated. One reason for this might be, that measuring effects of syntactic structure involves the use of complex stimuli, for which the emotional impact of grammar is difficult to isolate. In the present experiment we examined the emotional impact of structural parallelisms, that is, repetitions of syntactic features, on the emotion-sensitive "late positive potential" (LPP) with a cross-modal priming paradigm. Primes were auditory presented nonsense sentences which included grammatical-syntactic parallelisms. Visual targets were positive, neutral, and negative faces, to be classified as emotional or non-emotional by the participants. Electrophysiology revealed diminished LPP amplitudes for positive faces following parallel primes. Thus, our findings suggest that grammatical structure creates an emotional context that facilitates processing of positive emotional information.
Although the lipid mediator sphingosine 1-phosphate (S1P) has been identified to induce cell growth arrest of human keratinocytes, the sphingolipid effectively protects these epidermal cells from apoptosis. The molecular mechanism of the anti-apoptotic action induced by S1P is less characterized. Apart from S1P, endogenously produced nitric oxide (NOaEuro cent) has been recognized as a potent modulator of apoptosis in keratinocytes. Therefore, it was of great interest to elucidate whether S1P protects human keratinocytes via a NOaEuro cent-dependent signalling pathway. Indeed, S1P induced an activation of endothelial nitric oxide synthase (eNOS) in human keratinocytes leading to an enhanced formation of NOaEuro cent. Most interestingly, the cell protective effect of S1P was almost completely abolished in the presence of the eNOS inhibitor L-NAME as well as in eNOS-deficient keratinocytes indicating that the sphingolipid metabolite S1P protects human keratinocytes from apoptosis via eNOS activation and subsequent production of protective amounts of NOaEuro cent. It is well established that most of the known actions of S1P are mediated by a family of five specific G protein-coupled receptors. Therefore, the involvement of S1P-receptor subtypes in S1P-mediated eNOS activation has been examined. Indeed, this study clearly shows that the S1P(3) is the exclusive receptor subtype in human keratinocytes which mediates eNOS activation and NOaEuro cent formation in response to S1P. In congruence, when the S1P(3) receptor subtype is abrogated, S1P almost completely lost its ability to protect human keratinocytes from apoptosis.
Content: 1. Introduction 2. The notion of speech style: from a dependent variable to contextualization cue 3. Speech styles in conversation from a German Sozialamt 3.1 Extracts from conversation 3.2 Speech style constituting cues 3.3 Choice and alternation of speech styles in conversation 4. Summary and conclusions
This paper discusses a hitherto undescribed usage of the particle so as a dedicated focus marker in contemporary German. I discuss grammatical and pragmatic characteristics of this focus marker, supporting my account with natural linguistic data and with controlled experimental evidence showing that so has a significant influence on speakers’ understanding of what the focus expression in a sentence is. Against this background, I sketch a possible pragmaticalization path from referential usages of so via hedging to a semantically bleached focus marker, which, unlike particles such as auch ‘also’/‘too’ or nur ‘only’, does not contribute any additional meaning.