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Militär und Aufklärung
(2002)
The Sino-Japanese War of 1894/95 is usually only briefly mentioned in studies on diplomatic history. Especially the war's impact on Wilhelmine foreign and world policy (Weltpolitik) has been largely neglected. However, the events in East Asia had a profound influence on the political leadership in Berlin. The Wilhelmstrasse's attitude towards the conflict changed rapidly when the course of the war in Northeast Asia made a collapse of the Qing Empire increasingly likely. Afraid of the prospect of being left empty handed in an upcoming scramble for China, German diplomacy got active in early 1895. Driven by a hectic activism which soon should become a dominant feature of Weltpolitik, Berlin concluded an ad-hoc alliance with St. Petersburg and Paris. In April 1895, this unlikely coalition intervened against Tokyo. While the Triple Intervention served primarily Russia's interest to maintain the status quo on the Chinese mainland, Germany aimed at the acquisition of a military and commercial base in Northeast Asia. Driven by public opinion, the naval leadership and the Emperor Wilhelm II., the formerly neutral and reserved German diplomacy changed towards an aggressive and unstable imperialist policy, which ultimately resulted in the acquisition of Qingdao in November 1897.
Die Habsburgermonarchie
(1998)
Die frühen Hochkulturen
(1997)
Absolutismus in Deutschland
(1998)
Frühe Hochkulturen
(2001)
Frühe Hochkulturen
(2001)
Die früheren Hochkulturen
(2000)
Die frühen Hochkulturen
(1999)
Die frühen Hochkulturen
(1999)
100 Jahre Roter Oktober
(2017)
The enlargement of its staff in a case of defence was one of the central goals of the Reichswehr, the German armed forces during the Weimar Republic. To this end, military and civilian agencies sought to organise a "replacement army", the Landesschutzorganisation (national defence organisation). The Social Democrat led Prussian Government wanted to set this cooperation on a solid legal basis, thereby bringing the Landesschutzorganisation under democratic control. This approach not only failed because the Reichswehr continued to recruit affiliates of the nationalist camp for the Landesschutzorganisation in defiance of the "guidelines". More importantly, both the Prussian State Government as well as the Reichswehr leadership left the codification of this cooperation to subordinate levels, who interpreted these "guidelines" as they saw fit. The documents presented here include two versions of these regional agreements between a Prussian Oberprasidium (Provincial Governor) and a Wehrkreiskommando (Military District Command), most importantly the hitherto thought lost "Richtlinien" (guidelines) of April 26(th), 1929 and their implementation rules of May 23(rd), 1929.
Militärische Mobilisierung, gesellschaftliche Ordnung und politische Partizipation : eine Einleitung
(2010)
This paper aims to analyse the figure of the Venus of Milo in (extreme) contemporary art productions. The reception of this sculpture has already been studied in the past, but without considering the last ten years (2010 – 2020), during which artists like Yinka Shonibare, Fabio Viale, or Daniel Arsham decided to use the Venus for their new productions. The paper also explains how the Venus of Milo became a globalised icon and an inspiration for artists from all over the world.
Das Land und die Bezirke
(2010)
A quote from Fight Club (Chuck Palahniuk, 1996) may seem unusual for a Classicist. Nevertheless, this famous sentence summarises the contents of this special issue of thersites perfectly. As specialists in classical reception frequently witness, there is a sort of déjà-vu effect when it comes to the presence of Antiquity within popular culture. In 2019, to try to better understand the phenomenon, Antiquipop invited researchers to take an interest in the construction and semantic path of these “masterpieces” in contemporary popular culture, with a particular focus on the 21st century.
Literaten und Soldaten
(2003)
Literaten und Soldaten
(2002)
Sociability and Hugo Grotius
(2015)
Grotius has a rudimentary theory of sociability. Only with hindsight has a remark about appetitus societatis been promoted to the starting point of a theory that flourished in the writings of later natural jurists. In this article, I address the issue of the appearance in Grotius's natural law of sociability [as the 1715/38 English translation of John Morrice renders appetitus societatis, following Barbeyrac's sociabilite]. Writing in the just war tradition, Grotius is first of all interested in finding out the conditions for peace, and although injustice is a condition of war, it is not per se true that injustice is a perversion of society. Apparently, not all societies are perfect and the violence of war and the legal actions of peace are both instruments for achieving a greater modicum of justice in this world. Yet appetitus et custodia societatis is called the foundation of justice. Grotius achieved this context for sociability in phases, through a series of writings from c. 1600 until De iure belli ac pacis of 1625, and its revision of 1631. In this development the notion of fides plays an intriguing role, through which we can obtain a better understanding of the meaning of appetitus societatis in the later work. The present article is a sequel to a previous publication, on fides in De iure praedae (Ms. 1604/5). Analysing the genesis of appetitus societatis in De iure belli ac pacis, I argue that Grotius was changing his strategy over the years, without however arriving at a definitive solution to the question of what commits men to the pursuit of justice.
More than Walls
(2019)
If Germany and Europe turned their attention to Latin America, they could extend the transatlantic partnership by adding new partners and focussing on new issues without breaking ties with Washington. However, the countries of the region have differing views of Europe. Mexico is a special case in Latin America because of its close ties with the US, and the economic, political, and strategic interests that it shares with Europe. There is a need for Europe and the US to work together more closely in order to counterbalance China’s growing influence.
„Nur der Freiheit …“?
(2014)
Einleitung
(2014)