Refine
Document Type
- Article (6)
- Master's Thesis (2)
- Postprint (2)
- Review (1)
Language
- English (11)
Is part of the Bibliography
- yes (11)
Keywords
- rape (11) (remove)
Institute
Research in legal decision making has demonstrated the tendency to blame the victim and exonerate the perpetrator of sexual assault. This study examined the hypothesis of a special leniency bias in rape cases by comparing them to cases of robbery. N = 288 participants received descriptions of rape and robbery of a female victim by a male perpetrator and made ratings of victim and perpetrator blame. Case scenarios varied with respect to the prior relationship (strangers, acquaintances, ex-partners) and coercive strategy (force vs. exploiting victim intoxication). More blame was attributed to the victim and less blame was attributed to the perpetrator for rape than for robbery. Information about a prior relationship between victim and perpetrator increased ratings of victim blame and decreased perceptions of perpetrator blame in the rape cases, but not in the robbery cases. The findings support the notion of a special leniency bias in sexual assault cases.
Research in legal decision making has demonstrated the tendency to blame the victim and exonerate the perpetrator of sexual assault. This study examined the hypothesis of a special leniency bias in rape cases by comparing them to cases of robbery. N = 288 participants received descriptions of rape and robbery of a female victim by a male perpetrator and made ratings of victim and perpetrator blame. Case scenarios varied with respect to the prior relationship (strangers, acquaintances, ex-partners) and coercive strategy (force vs. exploiting victim intoxication). More blame was attributed to the victim and less blame was attributed to the perpetrator for rape than for robbery. Information about a prior relationship between victim and perpetrator increased ratings of victim blame and decreased perceptions of perpetrator blame in the rape cases, but not in the robbery cases. The findings support the notion of a special leniency bias in sexual assault cases.
The present study investigated the attribution of responsibility to victims and perpetrators in rape compared to robbery cases in Turkey. Each participant read three short case scenarios (vignettes) and completed items pertaining to the female victim and male perpetrator. The vignettes were systematically varied with regard to the type of crime that was committed (rape or robbery), the perpetrator’s coercive strategy (physical force or exploiting the victim’s alcohol-induced defenselessness), and the victim-perpetrator relationship prior to the incident (stranger, acquaintance, or ex-partner). Furthermore, participant gender and acceptance of rape myths (beliefs that justify or trivialize sexual violence) were taken into account. One half of the participants completed the rape myth acceptance (RMA) scales first and then received the vignettes, while the other half were given the vignettes first and then completed the RMA scales.
As expected, more blame was attributed to victims of rape than to victims of robbery. Conversely, perpetrators of rape were blamed less than perpetrators of robbery. The more participants endorsed rape myths, the more blame was attributed to the victim and the less blame was attributed to the perpetrators. Increasing levels of RMA were associated with an increase in victim blame (VB) in both rape and robbery cases, but the increase in rape VB was significantly more pronounced than in robbery VB. Increasing RMA was associated with an attenuation of perpetrator blame (PB) that was more pronounced for rape than for robbery cases, but the difference was not significant. As expected, victims of rape were blamed more when the perpetrator exploited their defenselessness due to alcohol intoxication than when they were overpowered by physical force. Contrary to the hypothesis, this was also true for robbery victims. Rape victims who knew their attacker (ex-partner or acquaintance) were blamed more than victims who were assaulted by strangers. Contrary to the hypothesis, robbery victims who were assaulted by an ex-partner were blamed more than acquaintance or stranger robbery victims. As predicted, the closer the relationship between victim and perpetrator, the less blame was attributed to perpetrators of rape while this factor had no effect on PB in robbery cases.
Men compared to women attributed more blame to the victims and less blame to the perpetrators. As expected, these gender differences in blame attributions were partially mediated by gender differences in RMA: After RMA was taken into account, the gender differences disappeared nearly completely for VB and were significantly reduced in PB. The order of presentation of the vignettes and the RMA measures was systematically varied to test the causal influence of RMA on rape blame attributions. The hypothesis that RMA causes VB and PB in rape cases (as opposed to the other way around or both are caused by a third variable) was not supported. Possible reasons for this failed manipulation and its implications for the mediation model are discussed.
With regard to blame attribution in rape cases, the present results match what was expected from previous studies which were mainly conducted in “Western” countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, or Germany. The present results support the notion that the victim-perpetrator relationship and the victim’s alcohol consumption are cross-culturally stable factors for blame attribution in rape cases. It was expected that blame attribution in robbery cases would be unaffected by the perpetrator’s coercive strategy and the victim-perpetrator relationship, but the results were inconsistent.
One unexpected effect is particularly noteworthy: When the perpetrator used physical force, more blame was attributed to rape than to robbery victims, but intoxicated victims were blamed more and almost equally so for both types of crime. Perpetrators who exploited drunk victims were blamed less in both rape and robbery cases. These results contradict German results collected with the German version of the same instruments (Bieneck & Krahé, 2011). Turkey is a Muslim country and alcohol is surrounded by a certain taboo. Possibly, the results reflect a cultural difference in that intoxicated victims are generally blamed more for their victimization and this factor is not limited to rape cases.
As research on sexual aggression has been growing, methodological issues in assessing prevalence rates have received increased attention. Building on work by Abbey and colleagues about effects of question format, participants in this study (1,253; 621 female; 632 male) were randomly assigned to one of two versions of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S). In Version 1, the coercive tactic (use/threat of physical force, exploitation of the inability to resist, verbal pressure) was presented first, and sexual acts (sexual touch, attempted and completed sexual intercourse, other sexual acts) were presented as subsequent questions. In Version 2, sexual acts were presented first, and coercive tactics as subsequent questions. No version effects emerged for overall perpetration rates reported by men and women. The overall victimization rate across all items was significantly higher in the tactic-first than in the sexual-act-first conditions for women, but not for men. Classifying participants by their most severe experience of sexual victimization showed that fewer women were in the nonvictim category and more men were in the nonconsensual sexual contact category when the coercive tactic was presented first. Sexual experience background did not moderate the findings. The implications for the measurement of self-reported sexual aggression victimization and perpetration are discussed.
As research on sexual aggression has been growing, methodological issues in assessing prevalence rates have received increased attention. Building on work by Abbey and colleagues about effects of question format, participants in this study (1,253; 621 female; 632 male) were randomly assigned to one of two versions of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S). In Version 1, the coercive tactic (use/threat of physical force, exploitation of the inability to resist, verbal pressure) was presented first, and sexual acts (sexual touch, attempted and completed sexual intercourse, other sexual acts) were presented as subsequent questions. In Version 2, sexual acts were presented first, and coercive tactics as subsequent questions. No version effects emerged for overall perpetration rates reported by men and women. The overall victimization rate across all items was significantly higher in the tactic-first than in the sexual-act-first conditions for women, but not for men. Classifying participants by their most severe experience of sexual victimization showed that fewer women were in the nonvictim category and more men were in the nonconsensual sexual contact category when the coercive tactic was presented first. Sexual experience background did not moderate the findings. The implications for the measurement of self-reported sexual aggression victimization and perpetration are discussed.
From Brock to Brett
(2021)
This master's thesis in US American cultural studies posits that the phenomenon of rape culture represents a socio-cultural system of social power structures and cultural myths. Based on so-called rape myths, this system also constitutes an ideology. The thesis aims to demonstrate how these rape myths are instrumentalized in order to protect (primarily white, cis-male) perpetrators and instead assign responsibility to those affected by sexualized violence. In doing so, the thesis shows that young men like Brock Turner, who benefit from patriarchal power structures, grow up to become men like Brett Kavanaugh, who not only benefit from the fact that rape culture excuses their abusive behavior, but also from the fact that this enables them to reach positions of power through which they, as decision-makers, can in turn maintain the structures underlying rape culture.
The thesis focuses on the rape myths of so-called victim blaming and shaming as well as the victimization of perpetrators. These myths are examined by analyzing 19th-century newspaper articles and then traced into the 21st century. Based on Mary Douglas' theory on ideas of purity, the thesis shows the extent to which not only social categories, namely gender, race, socio-economic status, and age, but also the sexual purity or impurity of those affected have an impact on the societal response to rape cases.
Furthermore, the thesis demonstrates how female bodies function as an ideological battleground for political and social change in the US, and how perceived threats to the patriarchal status quo are framed in public discourse as moral dangers posed by female bodies. The paper argues that rape culture is driven by (white cis) male entitlement to female bodies but moreover to positions of power in the patriarchal system. The thesis shows how this system instrumentalizes rape culture to maintain its underlying structures that favor (cis) men and, in contrast, disadvantage (cis) women and other marginalized and non-heteronormative groups. This is illustrated by analyzing the 2016 Stanford rape case and the 2018 Kavanaugh hearing.
Background: Some (minority) groups (MGs) are more vulnerable to sexual violence (SV) exposure than others. Othering-based stress (OBS) may mediate the relationship between minority identification and SV. This study aims to assess the prevalence of SV in different MGs to explore the relationship between minority identification and SV, to investigate whether belonging to multiple MGs moderates this relationship, and to explore OBS SV moderation for different MGs. Method: Through an online survey administered to a nationally representative sample in Belgium, data was collected from 4632 persons, of whom 21.01% self-identified as belonging to a MG (SI-Minority). SV prevalence was measured using behaviorally specific questions based on the WHO definition of SV. SI-Minority participants received an additional scale on OBS. Results: SI-Minority participants reported more SV victimization compared to the non-minorities. However, this increased risk was not moderated by minority identification but linked to the socio-demographic SV risk markers common to minority individuals. Multiple-minority participants were found more at risk of SV compared to single-minority respondents. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, pan-/omnisexual, asexual, and other non-heterosexual (LGB+) participants were found more at risk than heterosexual participants. OBS was found to be significantly correlated to SV in sexual and gender minorities and in cultural minorities. Conclusions: This study contributes to our understanding of the relationship between minority identification, OBS, and SV. Studying both specific and common SV vulnerabilities and outcomes within specific societal subgroups and the general population may inform policy makers when allocating resources to those interventions with the largest societal impact.
Objective:
We present a review of peer-reviewed English-language studies conducted outside the United States and Canada on the prevalence of sexual assault victimization in adolescence and adulthood published since 2010.
Method:
A systematic literature search yielded 32 articles reporting on 45 studies from 29 countries. Studies that only provided prevalence estimates for sexual assault in intimate relationships or did not present separate rates for men and women were excluded. All studies were coded by two coders, and a risk of bias score was calculated for each study. Both past-year and prevalence rates covering longer periods were extracted.
Results:
The largest number of studies came from Europe (n = 21), followed by Africa (n = 11), Asia, and Latin America (n = 6 each). One study came from the Middle East and no studies were found from Oceania. Across the 22 studies that reported past-year prevalence rates, figures ranged from 0% to 59.2% for women, 0.3% to 55.5% for men, and 1.5% to 18.2% for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) samples. The average risk of bias score was 5.7 out of 10. Studies varied widely in methodology.
Conclusion:
Despite regional variation, most studies indicate that sexual assault is widespread. More sustained, systematic, and coordinated research efforts are needed to gauge the scale of sexual assault in different parts of the world and to develop prevention measures.
Fragestellung: Es soll die Qualität der Berichterstattung über Suizide und Suizidversuche in deutschsprachigen Jugendmagazinen näher untersucht werden und Veränderungen der Suizidzahlen unter Jugendlichen in Österreich nach dem Erscheinen von Berichten erfasst werden. Methodik: Suizidberichte aus fünf großen deutschsprachigen Jugendmagazinen wurden mithilfe qualitativer Inhaltsanalyse im Hinblick auf Geschlecht, dargestellte Motive, Suizid(versuchs)methoden, positive und negative Darstellungsweisen, Schuldzuweisungen und Abweichungen von Medienempfehlungen zur Berichterstattung über Suizid analysiert. Die Suizidzahlen 2 Wochen vor und nach dem Erscheinen von Suizidberichten wurden verglichen. Ergebnisse: 59 Berichte wurden identifiziert. Die häufigste Berichterstattung zum Thema Suizid fand sich in der Zeitschrift Bravo, wobei es zu einer leichten Überrepräsentation weiblicher Suizide und insgesamt zu einer Unterrepräsentation von Suizidversuchen kam. Entsprechend der Epidemiologie suizidalen Verhaltens wurde Sturz in die Tiefe am häufigsten bei Mädchen und Erhängen bei den Jungen beschrieben. Bei den dargestellten Motiven zeigte sich, dass wichtige Faktoren wie psychiatrische Erkrankungen kaum Erwähnung fanden. Während Suizidentinnen häufig positiv dargestellt wurden, wurden Suizidenten häufiger negativ dargestellt. Implizite Schuldzuweisungen wurden vorwiegend den Eltern zugeschrieben. Es zeigte sich kein Hinweis auf einen Werther-Effekt nach Berichterstattung. Schlussfolgerungen: Die weitgehende Divergenz zwischen der Epidemiologie von Suizidalität Jugendlicher und im deutschsprachigen Raum derzeit vorherrschenden Mediendarstellungen verdeutlicht wichtige Ansatzpunkte für Präventions- und Aufklärungsarbeit in der Bevölkerung.
Southeast Asia is one of the most dynamic regions in the world. It is experiencing rapid socioeconomic change that may influence the level of sexual aggression, but data on the scale of sexual aggression in the region remain sparse. The aim of the present article was to systematically review the findings of studies available in English on the prevalence of self-reported sexual aggression and victimization among women and men above the age of 12 years in the 11 countries of Southeast Asia (Brunei, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam). Based on four scientific databases, the search engine Google, Opengrey database, and reference checking, 49 studies were found on sexual victimization. Of those, 32 included only women. Self-reported perpetration was assessed by only three studies and included all-male samples. Prevalence rates varied widely across studies but showed that sexual victimization was widespread among different social groups, irrespective of sex and sexual orientation. Methodological heterogeneity, lack of representativeness of samples, imbalance of information available by country, missing information within studies, and cultural differences hampered the comparability between and within countries. There is a need for operationalizations that specifically address sexual aggression occurring after the age of consent, based on detailed behavioral descriptions of unwanted sexual experiences and allied to a qualitative approach with cultural sensitivity. Data on sexual aggression in conflict settings and in human trafficking are also limited. Recommendations for future research are presented in the discussion.
From the beginning of systematic research on sexual victimization, it has been recognized that a substantial proportion of women report nonconsensual sexual experiences meeting the defining criteria of rape in response to behaviorally specific items, but do not acknowledge their experience as rape in response to broad questions about whether they have ever been raped. Recent studies suggest that rates of unacknowledged rape may be as high or even higher among men than among women. This study examined rates of unacknowledged female and male victims of rape and sexual assault by comparing responses to behaviorally specific items of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S) with responses to broad questions using the labels of sexual assault and rape (SARA) in 593 participants (303 women) in Germany. As predicted, more women and men were classified as rape victims based on behaviorally specific items than on the basis of the broad rape item. The rates of unacknowledged rape were about 60% for women and 75% for men. The gender difference was not significant. Against our prediction, no significant differences in acknowledgement of sexual assault were found in relation to coercive strategy and victim-perpetrator relationship. Few cases of rape and sexual assault identified by the SARA items were missed by the behaviorally specific questions. The implications for establishing prevalence rates of rape and sexual assault and for comparing victims and nonvictims in terms of vulnerability factors and outcomes of sexual victimization are discussed.