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Two decades ago, Tarana Burke started using the phrase ‘me too’ to release victims of sexual abuse and rape from their shame and to empower girls from minority communities. In 2017, actress Alyssa Milano made the hashtag #MeToo go viral. This article’s concern is with the role of testimonial practices in the context of sexual violence. While many feminists have claimed that the word of those who claim to being sexually violated by others (should) have political and/or epistemic priority, others have failed to recognize the harm and injury of instances of sexual violence that are not yet acknowledged as such and failed to listen to victims from marginalized social groups. In fact, some feminists have attacked #MeToo for mingling accounts of ‘proper’ sexual violence and accounts that are not ‘proper’ experiences of sexual violence. My aim in this article is to show why this critique is problematic and find a philosophically fruitful way to understand the #MeToo-movement as a movement that strives for moral and conceptual progress.
What are the consequences of unemployment and precarious employment for individuals' health in Europe? What are the moderating factors that may offset (or increase) the health consequences of labor-market risks? How do the effects of these risks vary across different contexts, which differ in their institutional and cultural settings? Does gender, regarded as a social structure, play a role, and how? To answer these questions is the aim of my cumulative thesis. This study aims to advance our knowledge about the health consequences that unemployment and precariousness cause over the life course. In particular, I investigate how several moderating factors, such as gender, the family, and the broader cultural and institutional context, may offset or increase the impact of employment instability and insecurity on individual health.
In my first paper, 'The buffering role of the family in the relationship between job loss and self-perceived health: Longitudinal results from Europe, 2004-2011', I and my co-authors measure the causal effect of job loss on health and the role of the family and welfare states (regimes) as moderating factors. Using EU-SILC longitudinal data (2004-2011), we estimate the probability of experiencing 'bad health' following a transition to unemployment by applying linear probability models and undertake separate analyses for men and women. Firstly, we measure whether changes in the independent variable 'job loss' lead to changes in the dependent variable 'self-rated health' for men and women separately. Then, by adding into the model different interaction terms, we measure the moderating effect of the family, both in terms of emotional and economic support, and how much it varies across different welfare regimes. As an identification strategy, we first implement static fixed-effect panel models, which control for time-varying observables and indirect health selection—i.e., constant unobserved heterogeneity. Secondly, to control for reverse causality and path dependency, we implement dynamic fixed-effect panel models, adding a lagged dependent variable to the model.
We explore the role of the family by focusing on close ties within households: we consider the presence of a stable partner and his/her working status as a source of social and economic support. According to previous literature, having a partner should reduce the stress from adverse events, thanks to the symbolic and emotional dimensions that such a relationship entails, regardless of any economic benefits. Our results, however, suggest that benefits linked to the presence of a (female) partner also come from the financial stability that (s)he can provide in terms of a second income. Furthermore, we find partners' employment to be at least as important as the mere presence of the partner in reducing the negative effect of job loss on the individual's health by maintaining the household's standard of living and decreasing economic strain on the family. Our results are in line with previous research, which has highlighted that some people cope better than others with adverse life circumstances, and the support provided by the family is a crucial resource in that regard.
We also reported an important interaction between the family and the welfare state in moderating the health consequences of unemployment, showing how the compensation effect of the family varies across welfare regimes. The family plays a decisive role in cushioning the adverse consequences of labor market risks in Southern and Eastern welfare states, characterized by less developed social protection systems and –especially the Southern – high level of familialism.
The first paper also found important gender differences concerning job loss, family and welfare effects. Of particular interest is the evidence suggesting that health selection works differently for men and women, playing a more prominent role for women than for men in explaining the relationship between job loss and self-perceived health. The second paper, 'Gender roles and selection mechanisms across contexts: A comparative analysis of the relationship between unemployment, self-perceived health, and gender.' investigates more in-depth the gender differential in health driven by unemployment.
Being a highly contested issue in literature, we aim to study whether men are more penalized than women or the other way around and the mechanisms that may explain the gender difference. To do that, we rely on two theoretical arguments: the availability of alternative roles and social selection. The first argument builds on the idea that men and women may compensate for the detrimental health consequences of unemployment through the commitment to 'alternative roles,' which can provide for the resources needed to fulfill people's socially constructed needs. Notably, the availability of alternative options depends on the different positions that men and women have in society.
Further, we merge the availability of the 'alternative roles' argument with the health selection argument. We assume that health selection could be contingent on people's social position as defined by gender and, thus, explain the gender differential in the relationship between unemployment and health. Ill people might be less reluctant to fall or remain (i.e., self-select) in unemployment if they have alternative roles. In Western societies, women generally have more alternative roles than men and thus more discretion in their labor market attachment. Therefore, health selection should be stronger for them, explaining why unemployment is less menace for women than for their male counterparts.
Finally, relying on the idea of different gender regimes, we extended these arguments to comparison across contexts. For example, in contexts where being a caregiver is assumed to be women's traditional and primary roles and the primary breadwinner role is reserved to men, unemployment is less stigmatized, and taking up alternative roles is more socially accepted for women than for men (Hp.1). Accordingly, social (self)selection should be stronger for women than for men in traditional contexts, where, in the case of ill-health, the separation from work is eased by the availability of alternative roles (Hp.2).
By focusing on contexts that are representative of different gender regimes, we implement a multiple-step comparative approach. Firstly, by using EU-SILC longitudinal data (2004-2015), our analysis tests gender roles and selection mechanisms for Sweden and Italy, representing radically different gender regimes, thus providing institutional and cultural variation. Then, we limit institutional heterogeneity by focusing on Germany and comparing East- and West-Germany and older and younger cohorts—for West-Germany (SOEP data 1995-2017). Next, to assess the differential impact of unemployment for men and women, we compared (unemployed and employed) men with (unemployed and employed) women. To do so, we calculate predicted probabilities and average marginal effect from two distinct random-effects probit models. Our first step is estimating random-effects models that assess the association between unemployment and self-perceived health, controlling for observable characteristics. In the second step, our fully adjusted model controls for both direct and indirect selection. We do this using dynamic correlated random-effects (CRE) models. Further, based on the fully adjusted model, we test our hypotheses on alternative roles (Hp.1) by comparing several contexts – models are estimated separately for each context. For this hypothesis, we pool men and women and include an interaction term between unemployment and gender, which has the advantage to allow for directly testing whether gender differences in the effect of unemployment exist and are statistically significant. Finally, we test the role of selection mechanisms (Hp.2), using the KHB method to compare coefficients across nested nonlinear models. Specifically, we test the role of selection for the relationship between unemployment and health by comparing the partially-adjusted and fully-adjusted models. To allow selection mechanisms to operate differently between genders, we estimate separate models for men and women.
We found support to our first hypotheses—the context where people are embedded structures the relationship between unemployment, health, and gender. We found no gendered effect of unemployment on health in the egalitarian context of Sweden. Conversely, in the traditional context of Italy, we observed substantive and statistically significant gender differences in the effect of unemployment on bad health, with women suffering less than men. We found the same pattern for comparing East and West Germany and younger and older cohorts in West Germany.
On the contrary, our results did not support our theoretical argument on social selection. We found that in Sweden, women are more selected out of employment than men. In contrast, in Italy, health selection does not seem to be the primary mechanism behind the gender differential—Italian men and women seem to be selected out of employment to the same extent. Namely, we do not find any evidence that health selection is stronger for women in more traditional countries (Hp2), despite the fact that the institutional and the cultural context would offer them a more comprehensive range of 'alternative roles' relative to men. Moreover, our second hypothesis is also rejected in the second and third comparisons, where the cross-country heterogeneity is reduced to maximize cultural differences within the same institutional context. Further research that addresses selection into inactivity is needed to evaluate the interplay between selection and social roles across gender regimes.
While the health consequences of unemployment have been on the research agenda for a pretty long time, the interest in precarious employment—defined as the linking of the vulnerable worker to work that is characterized by uncertainty and insecurity concerning pay, the stability of the work arrangement, limited access to social benefits, and statutory protections—has emerged only later. Since the 80s, scholars from different disciplines have raised concerns about the social consequences of de-standardization of employment relationships. However, while work has become undoubtedly more precarious, very little is known about its causal effect on individual health and the role of gender as a moderator. These questions are at the core of my third paper : 'Bad job, bad health? A longitudinal analysis of the interaction between precariousness, gender and self-perceived health in Germany'. Herein, I investigate the multidimensional nature of precarious employment and its causal effect on health, particularly focusing on gender differences.
With this paper, I aim at overcoming three major shortcomings of earlier studies: The first one regards the cross-sectional nature of data that prevents the authors from ruling out unobserved heterogeneity as a mechanism for the association between precarious employment and health. Indeed, several unmeasured individual characteristics—such as cognitive abilities—may confound the relationship between precarious work and health, leading to biased results. Secondly, only a few studies have directly addressed the role of gender in shaping the relationship. Moreover, available results on the gender differential are mixed and inconsistent: some found precarious employment being more detrimental for women's health, while others found no gender differences or stronger negative association for men. Finally, previous attempts to an empirical translation of the employment precariousness (EP) concept have not always been coherent with their theoretical framework. EP is usually assumed to be a multidimensional and continuous phenomenon; it is characterized by different dimensions of insecurity that may overlap in the same job and lead to different "degrees of precariousness." However, researchers have predominantly focused on one-dimensional indicators—e.g., temporary employment, subjective job insecurity—to measure EP and study the association with health. Besides the fact that this approach partially grasps the phenomenon's complexity, the major problem is the inconsistency of evidence that it has produced. Indeed, this line of inquiry generally reveals an ambiguous picture, with some studies finding substantial adverse effects of temporary over permanent employment, while others report only minor differences.
To measure the (causal) effect of precarious work on self-rated health and its variation by gender, I focus on Germany and use four waves from SOEP data (2003, 2007, 2011, and 2015). Germany is a suitable context for my study. Indeed, since the 1980s, the labor market and welfare system have been restructured in many ways to increase the German economy's competitiveness in the global market. As a result, the (standard) employment relationship has been de-standardized: non-standard and atypical employment arrangements—i.e., part-time work, fixed-term contracts, mini-jobs, and work agencies—have increased over time while wages have lowered, even among workers with standard work. In addition, the power of unions has also fallen over the last three decades, leaving a large share of workers without collective protection. Because of this process of de-standardization, the link between wage employment and strong social rights has eroded, making workers more powerless and more vulnerable to labor market risks than in the past. EP refers to this uneven distribution of power in the employment relationship, which can be detrimental to workers' health. Indeed, by affecting individuals' access to power and other resources, EP puts precarious workers at risk of experiencing health shocks and influences their ability to gain and accumulate health advantages (Hp.1).
Further, the focus on Germany allows me to investigate my second research question on the gender differential. Germany is usually regarded as a traditionalist gender regime: a context characterized by a configuration of roles. Here, being a caregiver is assumed to be women's primary role, whereas the primary breadwinner role is reserved for men. Although many signs of progress have been made over the last decades towards a greater equalization of opportunities and more egalitarianism, the breadwinner model has barely changed towards a modified version. Thus, women usually take on the double role of workers (the so-called secondary earner) and caregivers, and men still devote most of their time to paid work activities. Moreover, the overall upward trend towards more egalitarian gender ideologies has leveled off over the last decades, moving notably towards more traditional gender ideologies.
In this setting, two alternative hypotheses are possible. Firstly, I assume that the negative relationship between EP and health is stronger for women than for men. This is because women are systematically more disadvantaged than men in the public and private spheres of life, having less access to formal and informal sources of power. These gender-related power asymmetries may interact with EP-related power asymmetries resulting in a stronger effect of EP on women's health than on men's health (Hp.2).
An alternative way of looking at the gender differential is to consider the interaction that precariousness might have with men's and women's gender identities. According to this view, the negative relationship between EP and health is weaker for women than for men (Hp.2a). In a society with a gendered division of labor and a strong link between masculine identities and stable and well-rewarded job—i.e., a job that confers the role of primary family provider—a male worker with precarious employment might violate the traditional male gender role. Men in precarious jobs may perceive themselves (and by others) as possessing a socially undesirable characteristic, which conflicts with the stereotypical idea of themselves as the male breadwinner. Engaging in behaviors that contradict stereotypical gender identity may decrease self-esteem and foster feelings of inferiority, helplessness, and jealousy, leading to poor health.
I develop a new indicator of EP that empirically translates a definition of EP as a multidimensional and continuous phenomenon. I assume that EP is a latent construct composed of seven dimensions of insecurity chosen according to the theory and previous empirical research: Income insecurity, social insecurity, legal insecurity, employment insecurity, working-time insecurity, representation insecurity, worker's vulnerability. The seven dimensions are proxied by eight indicators available in the four waves of the SOEP dataset. The EP composite indicator is obtained by performing a multiple correspondence analysis (MCA) on the eight indicators. This approach aims to construct a summary scale in which all dimensions contribute jointly to the measured experience of precariousness and its health impact.
Further, the relationship between EP and 'general self-perceived health' is estimated by applying ordered probit random-effects estimators and calculating average marginal effect (further AME). Then, to control for unobserved heterogeneity, I implement correlated random-effects models that add to the model the within-individual means of the time-varying independent variables. To test the significance of the gender differential, I add an interaction term between EP and gender in the fully adjusted model in the pooled sample.
My correlated random-effects models showed EP's negative and substantial 'effect' on self-perceived health for both men and women. Although nonsignificant, the evidence seems in line with previous cross-sectional literature. It supports the hypothesis that employment precariousness could be detrimental to workers' health. Further, my results showed the crucial role of unobserved heterogeneity in shaping the health consequences of precarious employment. This is particularly important as evidence accumulates, yet it is still mostly descriptive.
Moreover, my results revealed a substantial difference among men and women in the relationship between EP and health: when EP increases, the risk of experiencing poor health increases much more for men than for women. This evidence falsifies previous theory according to whom the gender differential is contingent on the structurally disadvantaged position of women in western societies. In contrast, they seem to confirm the idea that men in precarious work could experience role conflict to a larger extent than women, as their self-standard is supposed to be the stereotypical breadwinner worker with a good and well-rewarded job. Finally, results from the multiple correspondence analysis contribute to the methodological debate on precariousness, showing that a multidimensional and continuous indicator can express a latent variable of EP.
All in all, complementarities are revealed in the results of unemployment and employment precariousness, which have two implications: Policy-makers need to be aware that the total costs of unemployment and precariousness go far beyond the economic and material realm penetrating other fundamental life domains such as individual health. Moreover, they need to balance the trade-off between protecting adequately unemployed people and fostering high-quality employment in reaction to the highlighted market pressures. In this sense, the further development of a (universalistic) welfare state certainly helps mitigate the adverse health effects of unemployment and, therefore, the future costs of both individuals' health and welfare spending. In addition, the presence of a working partner is crucial for reducing the health consequences of employment instability. Therefore, policies aiming to increase female labor market participation should be promoted, especially in those contexts where the welfare state is less developed.
Moreover, my results support the significance of taking account of a gender perspective in health research. The findings of the three articles show that job loss, unemployment, and precarious employment, in general, have adverse effects on men's health but less or absent consequences for women's health. Indeed, this suggests the importance of labor and health policies that consider and further distinguish the specific needs of the male and female labor force in Europe. Nevertheless, a further implication emerges: the health consequences of employment instability and de-standardization need to be investigated in light of the gender arrangements and the transforming gender relationships in specific cultural and institutional contexts. My results indeed seem to suggest that women's health advantage may be a transitory phenomenon, contingent on the predominant gendered institutional and cultural context. As the structural difference between men's and women's position in society is eroded, egalitarianism becomes the dominant normative status, so will probably be the gender difference in the health consequences of job loss and precariousness. Therefore, while gender equality in opportunities and roles is a desirable aspect for contemporary societies and a political goal that cannot be postponed further, this thesis raises a further and maybe more crucial question: What kind of equality should be pursued to provide men and women with both good life quality and equal chances in the public and private spheres? In this sense, I believe that social and labor policies aiming to reduce gender inequality in society should focus on improving women's integration into the labor market, implementing policies targeting men, and facilitating their involvement in the private sphere of life. Equal redistribution of social roles could activate a crucial transformation of gender roles and the cultural models that sustain and still legitimate gender inequality in Western societies.
An effective training program needs to be customized to the specific
demands of the redpective sport. Therefore, it is important to
conduct a needs analysis to gain information on the unique
characteristics of the sport. The objectives of thes review were (A)
to conduct a systematic needs analysis of karate kumite and (B) to
provide practical recommendations for sport-specific performance
testing and training of karate kumite athletes.
The focus in this article, through a reading of the German-Australian newspaper Der Kosmopolit, is on the legacies of entangled imperial identities in the period of the nineteenth-century German Enlightenment. Attention is drawn to members of the liberal nationalist generation of 1848 who emigrated to the Australian colonies and became involved in intellectual activities there. The idea of entanglement is applied to the philosophical orientation of the German-language newspaper that this group formed, Der Kosmopolit, which was published between 1856 and 1957. Against simplistic notions that would view cosmopolitanism as the opposite of nationalism, it is argued that individuals like Gustav Droege and Carl Muecke deployed an entangled ‘cosmo-nationalism’ in ways that both advanced German nationalism and facilitated their own engagement with and investment in Australian colonial society.
Added Variable Plot
(2015)
Existing theories of aging suggest that there may be similarities and differences in how COVID-19 impacts older people’s psychosocial adaptation compared to younger age groups, particularly middle-aged individuals. To assess the degree to which these impacts vary, we analyzed data from 3098 participants between the ages of 40 and 79 from an online survey in Germany. Data were collected at three measurement occasions between the start of the nationwide lockdown in mid-March 2020 and the end of the lockdown in early August 2020. The survey focused on everyday experiences during the COVID-19 crisis and collected various satisfaction ratings (e.g., general life satisfaction, satisfaction with family life, satisfaction with social contacts). At baseline, participants also provided retrospective ratings of satisfaction for the period before the COVID-19 crisis. In our analyses, we compared satisfaction ratings of middle-aged (40–64 years) and older individuals (65–79 years) and found that both middle-aged and older participants experienced the greatest decreases in satisfaction with social contacts, with more pronounced decreases seen in middle-aged participants. A similar pattern was observed for general life satisfaction, but the overall decreases were less pronounced in both groups compared to the decreases in satisfaction with social contacts. We also observed a partial recovery effect in all measures at the last measurement occasion, and this effect was more pronounced in older adults. Findings were also confirmed using age as a continuous variable and checking for linear and nonlinear effects of outcomes across the age range. Although ageism arose during the pandemic in the sense that older adults were labeled as a “risk group,” particularly at the start of the outbreak, we found consistently with other studies that middle-aged adults’ satisfaction decreased to a greater extent than that of older adults.
Was sollten Mitarbeiter in einem empirisch ausgerichteten Forschungsprojekt können, und welche Kernkompetenzen sollte die Ausbildung an den Universitäten daher vermitteln? Die Antworten auf diese Fragen hängen – wie sollte es anders sein – von der inhaltlichen Fragestellung und methodischen Ausrichtung des jeweiligen Forschungsprojektes ab. Natürlich sollten Projektmitarbeiter über Vorkenntnisse zum Forschungsthema verfügen. Natürlich sollten Kenntnisse des projektspezifischen (statistischen) Methodenarsenals vorliegen.
Background:
Like most countries, Germany is currently recruiting international nurses due to staff shortages. While these are mostly academic, the academisation of nursing in Germany has only just begun. This allows for a broader look at the participation of migrant nurses: How do care teams deal with the fact that immigrant colleagues are theoretically more highly qualified than long-established colleagues?
Methods:
Case studies were conducted in four inpatient care teams of two hospitals in 2022. Qualitative data include 26 observation protocols, 4 group discussions and 17 guided interviews. These were analysed using the documentary method and validated intersubjectively.
Results:
Due to current academisation efforts in Germany and the immigration of academised nursing staff from abroad, the areas of activity and responsibility of nursing in Germany are under negotiating pressure. This concerns basic care for example, which in Germany is provided by skilled workers, but in other countries is mostly provided by assistants or relatives. The question of who should provide basic care, whether all nurses or only nursing assistants, documents the struggle between an established and a new understanding of care. In this context, the knowledge and skills of migrant and academicised care workers become a crucial aspect in the struggle for a new professional identity for care in Germany.
Conclusions:
The specific situation in Germany makes it possible to show the potential for change that international care migration can constitute for destination countries. The far-reaching process of change of German nursing is given a further dimension not only by its academization, but by the immigration of international and academically trained nursing staff, where inclusive or exclusive effects can already be observed.
Key messages: The increasing proportion of migrant nurses accelerates the current discussion on nursing in Germany. Conflict areas show up in everyday work of care teams and must be addressed there.
Bildung als Privileg
(2016)
Im Anschluss an kontroverse Diskussionen über dauerhafte Bildungsungleichheiten stellt das vorliegende Buch detailliert aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektive zentrale Ursachen für sozial ungleiche Bildungschancen in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung. Im vorliegenden Band werden daher aktueller Stand empirischer Bildungsforschung diskutiert und neue Analysen vorgelegt. Ziel ist es, in systematischer Weise soziale Mechanismen aufzuzeigen, die zur Entstehung und Reproduktion von Bildungsungleichheiten beitragen.
Bildung ist eine der wichtigsten sozialen Fragen des 21. Jahrhunderts (Mayer 2000). Sie beschränkt sich nicht auf die allgemeine Schulbildung und formelle Berufsausbildung, sondern ebenso auf die Hochschulbildung (siehe den Beitrag von Müller und Pollak in diesem Band), berufliche Weiterbildung und das kontinuierliche selbstgesteuerte Lernen (siehe den Beitrag von Offerhaus, Leschke und Schömann).
Übergänge im Bildungssystem sind zentrale Stationen für die Generierung von sozialer Ungleichheit. Während die Bildungswege und die Bedeutung der sozialen Ungleichheit für den Schulbereich umfangreich untersucht wurden, liegen kaum Studien zu den nachschulischen Bildungsverläufen von Hochschulzugangsberechtigten und dem Einfluss der sozialen Herkunft bis zur Aufnahme einer Promotion vor. Daher ist es das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, die Gestaltung nachschulischer Bildungsverläufe zu untersuchen sowie die Bedeutung der sozialen Herkunft vom Abitur bis zur Promotionsaufnahme zu analysieren. Den beiden Forschungsfragen wurde in vier Teilstudien nachgegangen. In Teilstudie 1 wurde die Relevanz von Merkmalen des Bildungsverlaufes für die Promotionsaufnahme untersucht. Der Schwerpunkt der drei folgenden Teilstudien lag auf der Bedeutung der sozialen Herkunft bei Aufnahme einer Promotion beziehungsweise der sozialen Ungleichheit in den relevanten Selektionsstufen des nachschulischen Bildungsverlaufs bis zur Promotionsaufnahme. In Teilstudie 2 wurden diesbezüglich soziale Herkunftseffekte bei der für eine Promotionsaufnahme bedeutsamen Wahl der Hochschulform untersucht, in Teilstudie 3 die Mechanismen hinter sozialen Herkunftseffekten bei Promotionsaufnahme analysiert und in Teilstudie 4 wurde soziale Ungleichheit bei Studienaufnahme und Promotionsaufnahme vergleichend betrachtet. Als Datengrundlage wurde die Längsschnittstudie BIJU (Bildungsverläufe und psychosoziale Entwicklung im Jugend- und jungen Erwachsenenalter) herangezogen. Die Befunde der Dissertation verweisen auf die Relevanz sozialer Ungleichheiten vom Eintritt in die Hochschule bis zum Übergang in die Promotion. Auch wenn ein abnehmender Herkunftseffekt vom Übertritt ins Studium zum Übertritt in die Promotion vorliegt, sind soziale Herkunftseffekte bei dem späten Bildungsübergang noch sichtbar. Zudem zeigt sich die Bedeutung von Pfadabhängigkeiten in Bildungsverläufen sowie von Leistungsunterschieden für eine Promotionsaufnahme.
The volume provides a field-analytical methodology for researching knowledge based sociopolitical processes of transnationalization. Drawing on the seminal work by Pierre Bourdieu, we apply concepts of practice, habitus, and field to phenomena such as cross-national social trajectories, international procedures of evaluation, standardization and certification or supranational political structures. These transnational phenomena form part of general political struggles that legitimate social relationships in and beyond the nation state. Part 1 on "Methodological Foundations" discusses the consequences of Bourdieu's epistemology and methodology for theorizing and investigating transnational phenomena. The contributions show the import of field-theoretical concepts for post-national insights. Part 2 on "Investigating Political Fields" presents exemplary case studies in diverse research areas such as colonial imperialism, international academic rankings, European policy fields, and local school policy. While focusing on their research objects, the contributions also give an insight into the mechanisms involved in processes of transnationalization. The volume is an invitation for sociologists, political scientists and scholars in adjacent research areas to engage with reflexive and relational research practice and to further develop field-theoretical thought.
Citizenship
(2024)
Component-Plus-Residual Plot
(2015)
Concepts and theory
(2019)
There is no threat to Western democracies today comparable to the rise of right-wing populism. While it has played an increasing role at least since the 1990s, only the social consequences of the global financial crises in 2008 have given it its break that led to UK’s ‘Brexit’ and the election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016, as well as promoting what has been called left populism in countries that were hit the hardest by both the banking crisis and consequential neo-liberal austerity politics in the EU, such as Greece and Portugal.
In 2017, the French Front National (FN) attracted many voters in the French Presidential elections; we have seen the radicalization of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany and the formation of centre-right government in Austria. Further, we have witnessed the consolidation of autocratic regimes, as in the EU member states Poland and Greece. All these manifestations of right-wing populism share a common feature: they attack or even compromise the core elements of democratic societies such as the separation of powers, protection of minorities, or the rule of law.
Despite a broad debate on the re-emergence of ‘populism’ in the transition from the twentieth to the twenty-first century that has brought forth many interesting findings, a lack of sociological reasoning cannot be denied, as sociology itself withdrew from theorising populism decades ago and largely left the field to political sciences and history. In a sense, Populism and the Crisis of Democracy considers itself a contribution to begin filling this lacuna. Written in a direct and clear style, this set of volumes will be an invaluable reference for students and scholars in the field of political theory, political sociology and European Studies.
This volume Concepts and Theory offers new and fresh perspectives on the debate on populism. Starting from complaints about the problems of conceptualising populism that in recent years have begun to revolve around themselves, the chapters offer a fundamental critique of the term and concept of populism, theoretically inspired typologies and descriptions of currently dominant concepts, and ways to elaborate on them. With regard to theory, the volume offers approaches that exceed the disciplinary horizon of political science that so far has dominated the debate. As sociological theory so far has been more or less absent in the debate on populism, only few efforts have been made to discuss populism more intensely within different theoretical contexts in order to explain its dynamics and processes. Thus, this volume offers critical views on the debate on populism from the perspectives of political economy and the analysis of critical historical events, the links of analyses of populism with social movement mobilisation, the significance of ‘superfluous populations’ in the rise of populism and an analysis of the exclusionary character of populism from the perspective of the theory of social closure.
A review of all research papers published in the European Sociological Review in 2016 and 2017 (N = 118) shows that only a minority of papers clearly define the parameter of interest and provide sufficient reasoning for the selected control variables of the statistical analysis. Thus, the vast majority of papers does not reach minimal standards for the selection of control variables. Consequently, a majority of papers interpret biased coefficients, or statistics without proper sociological meaning. We postulate that authors and reviewers should be more careful about control variable selection. We propose graphical causal models in the form of directed acyclic graphs as an example for a parsimonious and powerful means to that end.
Cook’s Distanz
(2015)
COP 25
(2020)
The 25th session of the Conference of the Parties (COP-25) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) became the longest COP on record - but yielded few results. It appears that four years after the adoption of the Paris Agreement, enthusiasm has waned and political bargaining and bean-counting have taken over. Countries, for even the slightest chance to keep temperatures 'well below' 2 degrees Celsius, must do much more than they have previously committed to and accelerate the shift towards a zero-carbon economy. However, the conference largely failed to heed the rallying cry of the Chilean presidency. The flagship decisions (grouped under the banner "Chile-Madrid Time for Action") neither produced new commitments - enhancing ambition or finance for developing countries - nor new rules that would nudge countries closer to the climate action targets needed. The leftover pieces from last year's negotiations of the "Paris Rulebook" were also not resolved, in particular the unfinished decisions on Article 6 on market- and non-market mechanisms. The procrastination shows that the new architecture of the Paris Agreement, while addressing several of the shortcomings of the Kyoto Protocol, suffers from its own weaknesses. The meager results of Madrid give reason to pause and reflect on the conditions that may hold countries back from fully embracing the Paris Agreement, but also to consider the future and nature of carbon markets and what is making the issue so difficult to resolve.
Cross-national variation in the relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment
(2022)
Reform of the U.S. welfare system in 1996 spurred claims that cuts to welfare programs effectively incentivized single mothers to find employment. It is difficult to assess the veracity of those claims, however, absent evidence of how the relationship between welfare benefits and single mother employment generalizes across countries. This study combines data from the European Union Labour Force Survey and the U.S. Current Population Survey (1992-2015) into one of the largest samples of single mothers ever, testing the relationships between welfare generosity and single mothers’ employment and work hours. We find no consistent evidence of a negative relationship between welfare generosity and single mother employment outcomes. Rather, we find tremendous cross-national heterogeneity, which does not clearly correspond to well-known institutional variations. Our findings demonstrate the limitations of single country studies and the pervasive, salient interactions between institutional contexts and social policies.
Das Abendland
(2019)
The religious borders of Europe, which are more evident and controversial than ever, challenge established forms of political legitimacy and the legal requirements for citizenship. Perhaps covertly rather than overtly, they shape politics and policies. While scholars have once again resorted to Edward Said’s Orientalism to describe the dynamic at play, this article argues that the Orientalism narrative of East and West is too simple to capture the actual complexity of Europe’s borders. There are four religious and thus four cultural-symbolic borders, which are increasingly defining the continent: north-western Europe is Protestant, southern Europe is Catholic, the East is Orthodox and increasingly nationalist, and the South and Near East are Muslim. The cultural purity and the values that Europe craves in search of identity and order are simply not available in a world of global interconnectedness and social diversity.
Datenanalyse mit Stata
(2016)
Dieses Buch bietet eine Einführung in das Datenanalysepaket Stata und ist zugleich das einzige Buch über Stata, das auch Anfängern eine ausreichende Erklärung statistischer Verfahren liefert. „Datenanalyse mit Stata' ist kein Befehls-Handbuch sondern erläutert alle Schritte einer Datenanalyse an praktischen Beispielen. Die Beispiele beziehen sich auf Themen der öffentlichen Diskussion oder der direkten Umgebung der meisten Leser. Damit eignet sich diese Buch als Einstieg in Data Analytics in allen Disziplinen.
Die neue Auflage bietet einen systematischeren Zugang zum Datenmanagement in Gegenwart von „Missing Values' und behandelt die in der Stata-Programmversion 14 implementierte Unicode-Codierung.
Der Beteiligungsimperativ
(2023)
Spätestens seit den 1990-er Jahren erscheint der Begriff Beteiligung in diversen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen als allgemein anerkannter Imperativ, der von unterschiedlichen Akteur*innen als Allheilmittel angepriesen wird. Doch wenn Beteiligung proklamiert wird, bedeutet das mitnichten eine Garantie für gesellschaftliche Teilhabe. Mit Hilfe einer dispositivanalytischen Untersuchung von top-down Beteiligungsmaßnahmen in der Berliner Quartiersentwicklung zeigt Magdalena Otto, wie der Begriff Beteiligung verschiedenartig anschlussfähig ist und dadurch eine kaum hinterfragte Legitimationskraft ausstrahlt. Im Zentrum der hier entwickelten Theorie über den Beteiligungsimperativ steht die Rekonstruktion von vier idealtypisch zu verstehenden Deutungsmustern zur Legitimation von Beteiligungsmaßnahmen sowie ihre intendierten und unbeabsichtigten Folgen. Der konstatierte Beteiligungsimperativ zeigt sich dabei als eine auf Aktivierung setzende, neoliberale Gouvernementalität in Reaktion auf städtische Segregations- und Marginalisierungsprozesse, die Krise des Kommunalstaats und damit einhergehende veränderte Steuerungserfordernisse für Regierungshandeln.
Diese Masterarbeit zielt darauf ab, exemplarisch an zoologischen Gärten für das politische Spannungsverhältnis zwischen Mensch und Tier zu sensibilisieren sowie die damit einhergehenden Aushandlungsprozesse auf individueller bzw. gesamtgesellschaftlicher Ebene didaktisch anschlussfähig zu machen. Nach einer kurzen begrifflichen Einführung der titelgebenden Termini werden in diesem Sinne vier verschiedene Ausdrucksformen ambivalenter Mensch-Tier-Beziehungen erörtert: die Entwicklungsgeschichte und Architektur sowie die Artenschutz- bzw. Bildungsleistungen der Zoos. Dabei wird der historisch vorbelastete Balanceakt zoologischer Gärten deutlich, in Gegenwart und Zukunft menschliche und tierliche Interessen glaubhaft in Einklang bringen zu müssen. Als Grundübel dieses Dilemmas wird wiederum der menschliche Anspruch identifiziert, Naturzustände vor dem Hintergrund eines fragwürdigen Legitimationsnarratives kulturell nachstellen zu wollen.
Außerdem entfaltet der Autor die These, dass der Zoo gerade durch die ihn prägenden Ambivalenzen gegenüber anderen Problembereichen der Mensch-Tier-Beziehungen an Kontroversität gewinnt und somit prädestiniert ist, um als politikdidaktische Reibungsfläche zeitgemäßer Mensch-Tier-Beziehungen zu fungieren. Dementsprechend werden abschließend Zugänge vorgeschlagen, um den Zoo als außerschulischen politischen Lernort vor dem Hintergrund vielfältiger Streitfragen erkunden und produktiv erörtern zu können.
Indem Schülerinnen und Schüler demnach die Wert- und Zweckrationalität der Zoos auf den Prüfstand stellen, werden sie dazu angeregt, sich selbst- und gesellschaftskritisch mit dem politischen Verhältnis zwischen Tieren und Menschen auseinanderzusetzen. Die dabei exemplarisch am Zoo gewonnenen Erkenntnisse und Überzeugungen lassen sich in Bezug auf die ebenso drängende wie polarisierende Tierfrage abstrahieren. Durch den somit geschaffenen Orientierungsrahmen werden die Lernenden nicht zuletzt in die Lage versetzt, ihre gereiften Vorstellungen von einem angemessenen Umgang mit (nichtmenschlichen) Tieren öffentlich zu vertreten.
DFbeta
(2015)
Schon früh während der Corona-Pandemie entwickelte sich die Idee einer Schutzimpfung gegen das Virus zu einem zentralen Motiv im Kampf gegen die globale und teils tödliche Seuche. Dies spiegelt sich auch in den medial ausgetragenen Debatten um Anti-Corona-Vakzine wider, in denen bestimmtes, teils konflikthaftes Wissen produziert und vermittelt wurde.
Die vorliegende Masterarbeit rekonstruiert den deutschsprachigen Diskurs um die Corona-Schutzimpfung in Form einer wissenssoziologischen Diskursanalyse. Sie untersucht, wie gesellschaftliches Wissen zur Impfung in meinungsführenden Tages- und Wochenzeitungen sowie in ausgewählten Blogs während der Pandemie von Anfang 2020 bis Mitte 2022 (re)produziert wird.
Ausgangspunkt sind – anknüpfend an aktuelle Beiträge der kritischen Soziologie – die politisch-ökonomischen Zusammenhänge und Voraussetzungen, wie beispielsweise globale Lebens-, Wirtschafts- und Konsumweisen, durch die diese Pandemie erst möglich wurde. Durch diese Perspektive kann die Pandemie als soziales Ereignis begriffen werden, anstatt als unvorhersehbare medizinische Katastrophe, wie es in den politischen und medialen Debatten den Anschein hatte. In der Analyse zeigt sich, dass diese Umstände in der medialen Auseinandersetzung keinerlei Widerhall fanden, was den Diskurs de-kontextualisiert und den herausgearbeiteten Radikalismen den Boden bereitet hat.
Die Analyse ermöglicht es, zwei Zugänge zum Diskurs zu unterscheiden: Ein Portal eröffnet den Zugang über gesellschaftlich mehrheitlich anerkanntes, also orthodoxes Wissen, das zweite über gesellschaftlich mehrheitlich nicht anerkanntes, also heterodoxes Wissen. Entlang von benannten Themen, Problemen und Lösungen lassen sich auf einer Pro-Kontra-Achse sieben Wissenstypen rekonstruieren, die von radikaler Impfbefürwortung bis radikaler Ablehnung reichen. Vier der Wissensbestände argumentieren für die Impfung, drei dagegen – der Raum des Indifferenten dazwischen bleibt medial unbesetzt. Anschließend werden diese Typen entlang von Werten, auf die rekurriert wird, und schließlich nach Ressourcen, Verantwortlichkeiten und Sprecher*innenrollen unterschieden, sodass eine klare und idealtypische Charakterisierung des jeweiligen Wissens entsteht.
Durch die Analyse werden überdies diskursive Verschiebungen im Zeitverlauf sichtbar. Es zeigen sich einerseits eine Polarisierung des Diskurses insgesamt, andererseits eine Ernüchterung innerhalb der Impfbefürwortung sowie die interdependente Radikalisierung von Positionen an beiden Enden des Spektrums.
Abschließend werden die Ergebnisse der Analyse komplementär zum Ausgangspunkt gesellschaftstheoretisch eingebettet. Zum einen werden Eigendynamiken de-kontextualisierter und sich infolgedessen radikalisierender Diskurse reflektiert, innerhalb derer sich die Extreme so weit voneinander entfernen, dass sie sich schlussendlich wieder berühren. Zum anderen wird die im Diskurs sichtbar dominante neo-soziale Anrufung der individuellen Verantwortung in einer gleichzeitig wenig solidarischen Gesellschaft im Kontext eines neoliberal geprägten Verständnisses von individueller Freiheit, Demokratie und sozialer Verantwortung diskutiert.
Individualistische Ansätze können die sozialen Dynamiken terroristischen Handelns nur unzureichend erklären, da sie keine Terrorismusanalysen, sondern Analysen von Terroristen liefern. Der Aufsatz geht deshalb von Georg Simmels formaler Analyse der „Geheimen Gesellschaft“ aus und entwickelt auf dieser Grundlage eine soziologische Erklärung dafür, wie die sozialen Beziehungen innerhalb solcher Gruppierungen die Opportunitätsstrukturen ihrer Mitglieder so strukturieren, dass ein Handeln entsteht, das wir als terroristisch bezeichnen können.
Ein wesentlicher Grund für den fortdauernden wirtschaftlichen Rückstand Ostdeutschlands, im Vergleich zu Westdeutschland, liegt am geringeren Gewicht technologieintensiver Branchen und, damit zusammenhängend, an fehlenden regionalen Wachstumszentren („Clustern“). Die Économie des conventions (EC), ein wirtschaftswissenschaftliches und wirtschaftssoziologisches Paradigma, das in Frankreich in den 80er Jahren entstanden ist, ermöglicht die Analyse von Unternehmen und Märkten und wurde für die vorliegende Dissertation verwendet, um unterschiedliche „Qualitätskonventionen“ in einer vergleichenden Analyse in der west- und ostdeutschen Maschinenbaubranche zu identifizieren. Anhand von Studien des Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung in Halle (IWH), der Baden-Württembergischen Landesregierung und des Verbandes des Deutschen Maschinen- und Anlagenbaus e. V. (VDMA) wurde das Feld auf fünf ostdeutsche und acht baden-württembergische Raumordungsregionen eingegrenzt und ein qualitativer Stichprobenplan entwickelt. Empirisch wurden 21 leitfadengestützte Experteninterviews mit Geschäftsführern der Maschinen- und Anlagenbaubranche durchgeführt, die mit der Qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse methodisch ausgewertet und dann mit Bezug zur EC zu Idealtypen verdichtet wurden.
Im Ost-West-Vergleich zeigte sich, dass für ostdeutsche Unternehmen eine Entwicklung hin zum Systemanbieter, die Projekte koordinieren (Netzwerkkonvention), um damit auf (internationalen) Märkten höhere Preise durchzusetzen (Marktkonvention), am vielversprechendsten ist. Damit einher geht der Aufbau und die Aufrechterhaltung von Netzwerken (Netzwerkkonvention), die Herausforderung besteht aber darin, auch mit Wettbewerbern (Marktkonvention) vertrauensvoll zusammen zu arbeiten. Des Weiteren zeigte sich, dass bei öffentlich geförderten Verbundprojekten („Clusterpolitik“) die Marktkonvention ebenfalls nicht dominant sein darf bzw. sie zumindest Kompromisse mit anderen Konventionen eingehen muss, damit diese Netzwerke nicht nach Ende der Förderperiode auseinander fallen. Diese Befunde decken sich mit Arbeiten aus der Wirtschaftsgeographie und verwandter Fächer, bei denen gezeigt wurde, dass erst ein Gebilde aus spezifischen regionale Institutionen technologisches Lernen ermöglicht bzw. dass insbesondere die gleichzeitige Ausprägung von Konkurrenz- und Kooperationsprinzipien („Coopetition“) auf der gleichen Wertschöpfungsstufe, es Unternehmen ermöglicht, neue wettbewerbsfähige Produkte auf den Markt zu bringen. Eine theoretisch fundierte Clusterpolitik sollte daher nicht nur Vernetzungsaktivitäten (Netzwerkkonvention), sondern auch den Wettbewerb (Marktkonvention) im Cluster mit fördern. Im Fazit wurden dann die Instrumente, die in der Literatur genannt werden, um vorhandene Clusterstrukturen weiter zu entwickeln, mit der rekonstruierten Typologie der Qualitätskonventionen verknüpft.
Ausgehend von Bourdieus Kapitaltheorie diskutieren wir in diesem Beitrag, inwiefern ökonomisch verwertbare personenbezogene Daten als Fundament einer eigenständigen Form eines neuen digitalen Kapitals gesehen werden können. Als wertvolles und umkämpftes Gut entfaltet es in spezifischen Feldern eine soziale Wirkmächtigkeit und spiegelt sich in den Reproduktionsstrategien von Akteur*innen und korrespondierenden Ungleichheitsstrukturen.
We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major ‘complementarities’ disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.
Although observational studies from many countries have consistently shown that motherhood negatively affects women's wages, experimental findings on its effect on the likelihood of being hired are less conclusive. Motherhood penalties in hiring have been reported in the United States, the prototypical liberal market economy, but not in Sweden, the prototypical social-democratic welfare state. Based on a field experiment in Germany, this study examines the effects of parenthood on hiring processes in the prototypical conservative welfare state. My findings indicate that job recruitment processes indeed penalize women but not men for having children. In addition to providing theoretical explanations for why motherhood penalties in hiring are particularly likely to occur in the German context, this study also highlights several methodological and practical issues that should be considered when conducting correspondence studies to examine labour market discrimination.
This article examines how contact with perceived foreigners affects natives' attitudes towards immigration. Using six waves of individual level panel data from Germany (2007-2017), we find that natives' reported mutual visits with foreigners reduce worries about immigration. However, the results do not imply an increase in this effect in the course of repeated contact. Our analyses also consider the possibility that the effect of out-group contact on attitudes is heterogeneous across social groups. Our results show that contact effects are not restricted to younger age groups but also hold for older age groups. Surprisingly, there are stronger reductions in worries among right-leaning compared to left-leaning individuals.
Im Rahmen eines einjährigen Entwicklungsprozesses wurde das Fragebogenmodul "Einstellungen zu sozialer Ungleichheit" unter der Leitung der Infrastruktureinrichtung SOEP entwickelt und in der 38. Welle der Haupterhebung des Sozio-oekonomischen Panels erstmalig erhoben. Das finale Fragebogenmodul umfasst 43 Items zu den Themenbereichen Soziale Vergleiche, Soziale Mobilität, Sozialstaat und Nicht-materielle Ungleichheit. In der Tradition des SOEP als forschungsbasierte Infrastruktureinrichtung erfolgte die Fragebogenentwicklung in enger Zusammenarbeit mit externen Forschenden aus dem Bereich der Einstellungs- und Ungleichheitsforschung. Neben der etablierten Nutzung des SOEP Innovation Samples (SOEP-IS) für quantitative Pretests neu entwickelter Fragen kam erstmals ein kognitiver Pretest zum Einsatz. Der vorliegende Bericht dokumentiert den Entwicklungsprozess von der Konzeption bis zum finalen Fragebogen.
Editorial
(2013)
Das „Berliner Journal für Soziologie“ beginnt seinen 23. Jahrgang mit einem Heft zum Schwerpunktthema „Ordnung und Gewalt“. Damit geben zwei Begriffe und Konzepte die Perspektive vor, die auf die Konstitutionsproblematik von Gesellschaften verweisen. Das wechselseitige Verhältnis von sozialer Ordnung und Gewalt steht im Mittelpunkt der Beiträge. Einerseits untersuchen sie dieses Wechselverhältnis anhand unterschiedlicher Gewalt- und Ordnungsformen und ihres Zusammenspiels, andererseits thematisieren sie Gewalt sowohl als individuelles, aber gesellschaftlich gerahmtes als auch als kollektives und damit organisiertes soziales Phänomen.
Editorial
(2010)
In der Wissenschaft sollten Geburtstage oder Jubiläen bestenfalls Anlass, nicht aber der eigentliche Grund sein, sich in Form eines Schwerpunktheftes erneut mit dem Werk eines wichtigen Vertreters der Zunft zu befassen. Nur allzu leicht geraten Rückblicke zu einer bloßen Einordnung eines Werkes in den Kontext seiner Zeit und beschränken sich damit auf seine schlichte Historisierung. Das lange Schaffen Robert King Mertons ließe sich ohne Probleme als bedeutender Teil der Geschichte der Soziologie in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts beschreiben. Doch Merton selbst hat schon früh betont, dass in der Wissenschaft ein grundlegender Unterschied zwischen erzählter (Wissenschafts-)Geschichte und systematischer Analyse eines klassischen theoretischen Werkes besteht. In diesem Sinne geht es darum, jenem Diktum Alfred N. Whiteheads gerecht zu werden, das Merton selbst seinem Hauptwerk Social Theory and Social Structure vorangestellt hat: „A science that hesitates to forget its founders is lost.“ Damit sollte keineswegs die fortbestehende Bedeutung einer Auseinandersetzung mit den klassischen Texten der Soziologie in Zweifel gezogen werden, aber eben nicht in der Form immer wiederkehrender Exegese, die zum gebetsmühlenhaften Wiederholen bereits bekannten Wissens oder zu dessen Banalisierung führen muss. Vielmehr ging es Merton darum, dass der theoretische Wissensfundus sowie die forschungspraktischen und methodischen Erfahrungen und Kenntnisse der Soziologie im Zentrum der Beschäftigung mit den Klassikern und Gründervätern der Disziplin stehen sollten.
In times of educational expansion, privileged families are looking for new strategies of distinction. Referring to Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of distinction, we argue that choosing Latin at school – a language that is no longer spoken and therefore has no direct value – is one of the strategies of privileged families to set themselves apart from less privileged families. Based on two surveys we conducted at German schools, the paper analyzes the relationship between parents’ educational background and the probability that their child will learn Latin. Results indicate that historically academic families have the strongest tendency towards learning Latin, followed by new academic families, and leaving behind the non-academic families. We distinguish between four causal mechanisms that might help to explain these associations: cultural distinction, selecting a socially exclusive learning environment, beliefs in a secondary instrumental function of learning Latin, and spatial proximity between the location of humanist Gymnasiums and the residential areas of privileged families. The hypotheses are formalized by means of Directed Acyclic Graphs (DAG). Findings show that the decision to learn Latin is predominately an unintended consequence of the selection of a socially exclusive learning environment. In addition, there is evidence that especially children from historically academic families learn Latin as a strategy of cultural distinction.
Phone surveys have increasingly become important data collection tools in developing countries, particularly in the context of sudden contact restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic. So far, there is limited evidence regarding the potential of the messenger service WhatsApp for remote data collection despite its large global coverage and expanding membership. WhatsApp may offer advantages in terms of reducing panel attrition and cutting survey costs. WhatsApp may offer additional benefits to migration scholars interested in cross-border migration behavior which is notoriously difficult to measure using conventional face-to-face surveys. In this field experiment, we compared the response rates between WhatsApp and interactive voice response (IVR) modes using a sample of 8446 contacts in Senegal and Guinea. At 12%, WhatsApp survey response rates were nearly eight percentage points lower than IVR survey response rates. However, WhatsApp offers higher survey completion rates, substantially lower costs and does not introduce more sample selection bias compared to IVR. We discuss the potential of WhatsApp surveys in low-income contexts and provide practical recommendations for field implementation.
Einleitung
(2021)
Einleitung
(2023)
EU-Citizenship
(2018)
Studies from several countries suggest that COVID-19 vaccination rates are lower among migrants compared to the general population. Urgent calls have been made to improve vaccine outreach to migrants, however, there is limited evidence on effective approaches, especially using social media. We assessed a targeted, low-cost, Facebook campaign disseminating COVID-19 vaccine information among Arabic, Turkish and Russian speakers in Germany (N = 888,994). As part of the campaign, we conducted two randomized, online experiments to assess the impact of the advertisement (1) language and (2) depicted messenger (government authority, religious leader, doctor or family). Key outcomes included reach, click-through rates, conversion rates and cost-effectiveness. Within 29 days, the campaign reached 890 thousand Facebook users. On average, 2.3 individuals accessed the advertised COVID-19 vaccination appointment tool for every euro spent on the campaign. Migrants were 2.4 (Arabic), 1.8 (Russian) and 1.2 (Turkish) times more likely to click on advertisements translated to their native language compared to German-language advertisements. Furthermore, findings showed that government representatives can be more successful in engaging migrants online compared to other messengers, despite common claims of lower trust in government institutions among migrants. This study highlights the potential of tailored, and translated, vaccination campaigns on social media for reaching migrants who may be left out by traditional media campaigns.
Studies from several countries suggest that COVID-19 vaccination rates are lower among migrants compared to the general population. Urgent calls have been made to improve vaccine outreach to migrants, however, there is limited evidence on effective approaches, especially using social media. We assessed a targeted, low-cost, Facebook campaign disseminating COVID-19 vaccine information among Arabic, Turkish and Russian speakers in Germany (N = 888,994). As part of the campaign, we conducted two randomized, online experiments to assess the impact of the advertisement (1) language and (2) depicted messenger (government authority, religious leader, doctor or family). Key outcomes included reach, click-through rates, conversion rates and cost-effectiveness. Within 29 days, the campaign reached 890 thousand Facebook users. On average, 2.3 individuals accessed the advertised COVID-19 vaccination appointment tool for every euro spent on the campaign. Migrants were 2.4 (Arabic), 1.8 (Russian) and 1.2 (Turkish) times more likely to click on advertisements translated to their native language compared to German-language advertisements. Furthermore, findings showed that government representatives can be more successful in engaging migrants online compared to other messengers, despite common claims of lower trust in government institutions among migrants. This study highlights the potential of tailored, and translated, vaccination campaigns on social media for reaching migrants who may be left out by traditional media campaigns.
How can labour market institutions make workers confident about their economic future? While quantitative studies have repeatedly shown that countries’ labour market regulations and policies are related to variations in workers’ perceived job security, these studies did not explain how these institutions affect workers’ perceptions and expectations. This study seeks to close this gap by analysing qualitative interview data collected on employees in Germany and the U.S. during the great financial crisis (2009–2010). The study's main finding is that policies vary in their effectiveness at making workers feel secure about their jobs. While unemployment assistance can reduce workers’ worries about job loss, dismissal protection does not seem to effectively increase workers’ confidence that their jobs are secure. Overall, employees know relatively little about the policies and regulations that are meant to protect them and have limited trust in their effectiveness. Individual and organisational characteristics seem to be more relevant for employees’ feelings of job security than national-level policies. In particular, comparisons with others who have lower levels of protection increase workers’ perceived security. These insights are particularly important in light of the ongoing changes in the world of work that are making workers’ lives more uncertain and insecure.
Führung in Teilzeit?
(2023)
Teilzeitarbeit in Führungsetagen ist eine Ausnahme, obwohl das Thema Arbeitszeitreduzierung durch veränderte Familienarrangements und zunehmende berufliche Belastung wichtiger geworden ist. Daran hat weder der seit mehr als 20 Jahren bestehende Rechtsanspruch auf einen Teilzeitarbeitsplatz noch das im Jahr 2019 eingeführte Rückkehrrecht auf einen Vollzeitarbeitsplatz nach zeitlich begrenzten Arbeitszeitreduktionen etwas geändert. Dieser Beitrag nutzt Daten der Europäischen Arbeitskräfteerhebung, um Teilzeitarbeit von Führungskräften in Deutschland sowohl im zeitlichen als auch im internationalen Vergleich einzuordnen und damit ein empirisches Fundament für die gesellschaftliche Diskussion um Teilzeitführungskräfte zu legen. Die Auswertungen zeigen: In Deutschland arbeiteten im Jahr 2019 laut eigener Aussage rund 14 % der Führungskräfte in Teilzeit. Im europäischen Vergleich gehört Deutschland damit zu den Ländern mit dem höchsten Anteil an teilzeitarbeitenden Führungskräften. Die Auswertungen zeigen auch, dass in Deutschland der Anteil der weiblichen Führungskräfte in Teilzeit mit rund 32 % deutlich über dem der männlichen Führungskräfte liegt (rund 3 %) und es große Unterschiede nach Altersgruppen gibt. Als Motiv für eine Arbeitszeitreduktion geben Führungskräfte, insbesondere Frauen, zumeist Pflege- und Betreuungsverpflichtungen an.
Geheimgeschichten
(2006)