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National Action Plans (NAPs) have been increas-ingly adopted world-wide after the Vienna Dec-laration in 1993, where it was urged to consider the improvement and promotion of Human Rights. In this paper, we discuss their usefulness and success by analysing the challenges present-ed during NAP processes as well as the benefits this set of actions entails: The challenges for their implementation outweigh its actual benefits. Nevertheless, NAPs have great potential. Based on new research, we elaborate a set of recom-mendations for improving the design and imple-mentation of national action planning. In order to effectively bring NAP into practice, we consider it crucial to plan and analyse every state local circumstances in detail. The latter is important, since the implementation of a concrete set of actions is intended to directly transform and improve the local living conditions of the people. In a long-term perspective, we defend the benefit of NAP’s implementation for complying obliga-tions set up by HR treaties.
The last years have been affected by Covid-19 and the international emergency mecha-nism to deal with health-related threats. The effects of this period manifested differ-ently worldwide, depending on matters such as international relations, national policies, power dynamics etc. Additionally, the impact of this time will likely have long-term effects which are yet to be known. This paper gives a critical overview of the Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) mechanism in the context of Covid-19. It does so by explaining the legal framework for states of emergency, specifically in the context of a PHEIC, while considering its restrictions and limitations on human rights. It further outlines issues in the manifestation of global protections and limitations on human rights during Covid-19. Lastly, considering the likelihood of future PHEICs and the known systemic obstructions, this paper offers ways to im-prove this mechanism from a holistic, non-zero-sum perspective.
We use the prolonged Greek crisis as a case study to understand how a lasting economic shock affects the innovation strategies of firms in economies with moderate innovation activities. Adopting the 3-stage CDM model, we explore the link between R&D, innovation, and productivity for different size groups of Greek manufacturing firms during the prolonged crisis. At the first stage, we find that the continuation of the crisis is harmful for the R&D engagement of smaller firms while it increased the willingness for R&D activities among the larger ones. At the second stage, among smaller firms the knowledge production remains unaffected by R&D investments, while among larger firms the R&D decision is positively correlated with the probability of producing innovation, albeit the relationship is weakened as the crisis continues. At the third stage, innovation output benefits only larger firms in terms of labor productivity, while the innovation-productivity nexus is insignificant for smaller firms during the lasting crisis.
The large literature that aims to find evidence of climate migration delivers mixed findings. This meta-regression analysis i) summarizes direct links between adverse climatic events and migration, ii) maps patterns of climate migration, and iii) explains the variation in outcomes. Using a set of limited dependent variable models, we meta-analyze thus-far the most comprehensive sample of 3,625 estimates from 116 original studies and produce novel insights on climate migration. We find that extremely high temperatures and drying conditions increase migration. We do not find a significant effect of sudden-onset events. Climate migration is most likely to emerge due to contemporaneous events, to originate in rural areas and to take place in middle-income countries, internally, to cities. The likelihood to become trapped in affected areas is higher for women and in low-income countries, particularly in Africa. We uniquely quantify how pitfalls typical for the broader empirical climate impact literature affect climate migration findings. We also find evidence of different publication biases.
The paper aims to lay out a framework for evaluating value shifts in the international legal order for the purposes of a forthcoming book. In view of current contestations it asks whether we are observing yet another period of norm change (Wandel) or even a more fundamental transformation of international law – a metamorphosis (Verwandlung). For this purpose it suggests to look into the mechanisms of how norms change from the perspective of legal and political science and also to approximate a reference point where change turns into metamorphosis. It submits that such a point may be reached where specific legally protected values are indeed changing (change of legal values) or where the very idea of protecting certain values through law is renounced (delegalizing of values). The paper discusses the benefits of such an interdisciplinary exchange and tries to identify differences and commonalities among both disciplinary perspectives.
Once the “popular plaything of Realpolitiker” the doctrine of rebus sic stantibus post the 1969 VCLT is often described as an objective rule by which, on grounds of equity and justice, a fundamental change of circumstances may be invoked as a ground for termination. Yet recent practice from States such as Ecuador, Russia, Denmark and the United Kingdom suggests that it is returning with a new livery. They point to an understanding based on vital States’ interests––a view popular among scholars such as Erich Kaufmann at the beginning of the last century.
Social segregation in cities takes place where different household groups exist and when, according to Schelling, their location choice either minimizes the number of differing households in their neighborhood or maximizes their own group. In this contribution an evolutionary simulation based on a monocentric city model with externalities among households is used to discuss the spatial segregation patterns of four groups. The resulting complex spatial patterns can be shown as graphic animations. They can be applied as initial situation for the analysis of the effects a rent control has on segregation.
Das dritte Working Paper in der KFG Working Paper Series analysiert Zustand und Perspektiven völkerrechtlicher Abrüstungsverträge unter der Ägide der Vereinten Nationen. Während die dreißig Jahre zwischen der Kuba-Krise und dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs für die Abrüstung eine erfolgreiche Periode gewesen seien, seien in den Vereinten Nationen seither außer dem Waffenhandelsvertrag keine weiteren Abrüstungsverträge abgeschlossen worden. Die gegenwärtige Stimmung sei abwartend bis negativ, obwohl es ein Nachholbedürfnis gebe, Abrüstungsverträge an die heutigen politischen Gegebenheiten sowie an den Stand der Technik anzupassen. Die Verfasserin schlägt als Lösung vor, durch eine Politik der kleinen Schritte ein besseres Abrüstungsklima zu schaffen, indem dem Diskurs auf Grundlage zusätzlicher Protokolle zu bestehenden Verträgen und notfalls auch durch ein Ausweichen auf andere Gremien eine neue Richtung verliehen werde.
Access to digital finance
(2024)
Financing entrepreneurship spurs innovation and economic growth. Digital financial platforms that crowdfund equity for entrepreneurs have emerged globally, yet they remain poorly understood. We model equity crowdfunding in terms of the relationship between the number of investors and the amount of money raised per pitch. We examine heterogeneity in the average amount raised per pitch that is associated with differences across three countries and seven platforms. Using a novel dataset of successful fundraising on the most prominent platforms in the UK, Germany, and the USA, we find the underlying relationship between the number of investors and the amount of money raised for entrepreneurs is loglinear, with a coefficient less than one and concave to the origin. We identify significant variation in the average amount invested in each pitch across countries and platforms. Our findings have implications for market actors as well as regulators who set competitive frameworks.
This article re-examines the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court (ICC). It traces the successive changes of the African attitude towards this Court, from states' euphoria, to hostility against its work, to regional counter-initiatives through the umbrella of the African Union (AU). The main argument goes beyond the idea of "the Court that Africa wants" in order to identify concrete reasons behind such a formal argument which may have fostered, if not enticed, the majority of African states to become ICC members and actively cooperate with it, when paradoxically some great powers have decided to stay outside its jurisdiction. It also seeks to understand, from a political and legal viewpoint, which parameters have changed since then to provoke that hostile attitude against the Court's work and the entrance of the AU into the debate through the African Common Position on the ICC. Lastly, this article explores African alternatives to the contested ICC justice system. It examines the need to reform the Rome Statute in order to give more independence, credibility and legitimacy to the ICC and its duplication to some extent by the new "Criminal Court of the African Union". Particular attention is paid to the resistance against this idea to reform the ICC justice system.
Inhalt 1 Einführung und Grundlagen 1.1 Problemstellung und Vorgehensweise 1.2 Ordnungsökonomische Systematisierung 1.3 „Neue“ Besonderheitenlehre für Netzindustrien 2 Ansatzpunkte zur Liberalisierung in Netzindustrien 2.1 Liberalisierung durch Privatisierung 2.1.1 Interdependenz von Privatisierung und Marktöffnung 2.1.2 Privatisierungsstufen 2.2 Liberalisierung durch Deregulierung und Re-Regulierung 2.2.1 Abgrenzung des relevanten Marktes: Netzinfrastruktur versus Netzdienstleistungen 2.2.2 Lokalisierung und Kontrolle von Marktmacht bei Netzinfrastruktur 2.3 Modelle zur Gewährleistung eines diskriminierungsfreien Netzzugangs 2.3.1 Verhandelter Netzzugang mit Missbrauchsaufsicht im Sinne der Essential-Facilities-Doktrin 2.3.2 Staatliche Regulierung des Netzzugangs 2.4 Theorie der vertikalen (Des-)Integration 2.4.1 Allokativ-statische, wohlfahrtsökonomische Analyse vertikaler Integration 2.4.2 Institutionenökonomische Analyse vertikaler Integration 2.4.3 Dynamische, wettbewerbsökonomische Analyse vertikaler Integration 2.4.4 Konsequenz: Vertikale Desintegration 3 Institutionelle Ausgestaltung der Wettbewerbsaufsicht 3.1 Systematisierung der Träger und Kompetenzabgrenzung 3.2 Kriterien für eine effiziente Wettbewerbsaufsicht 4 Schlussfolgerungen und intersektoraler Vergleich des Liberalisierungsprozessesin Netzindustrien
During its sessions in 2016 and 2017 the UN International Law Commission (ILC) debated the question whether the immunity of State officials from foreign criminal jurisdiction is subject to exceptions for international crimes and provisionally adopted a Draft Article 7 on immunity ratione materiae. The following analytical presentation classifies and documents the reactions of States to draft article 7, paragraph 1, as they have been expressed in the Sixth (Legal) Committee of the General Assembly in 2017.
Auftrag und Möglichkeiten der Kommission für Friedenskonsolidierung im System der Vereinten Nationen
(2019)
Vor dem Hintergrund der international steigenden Zahl an Konfliktrückfällen insbesondere im Anschluss an bereits offiziell für beendet erklärte Bürgerkriege und die daraus folgende zunehmende Relevanz von Peacebuilding-Maßnahmen der internationalen Gemeinschaft, wird in diesem Beitrag die Arbeit der Kommission für Friedenskonsolidierung der Vereinten Nationen untersucht. Einerseits werden hierbei, nach einigen einführenden Erläuterungen zum Begriff der Friedenskonsolidierung an sich sowie der Zusammensetzung und Funktionsweise der Kommission, zunächst ihre einzelnen Aufträge systematisch unter Einordnung in den Kontext des Peacebuilding-Systems der Vereinten Nationen herausgearbeitet und eine auswertende Bilanz unter ihre bisherige Erfüllung gezogen. Daran anschließend erfolgt eine Darstellung der zukünftigen Möglichkeiten der Kommission im Bereich der Friedenskonsolidierung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung ihres Potenzials innerhalb des Systems der Vereinten Nationen sowie der einschlägigen völkerrechtlichen Aspekte.
The author discusses the question of authority when determining the content of an international legal rule. Taking Article 38(1)(d) of the ICJ Statute as a point of departure, he determines through meticolous analysis what ranks as judicial decisions as well as teachings within the meaning of the norm. The author then proceeds to a number of factors to determine authoritativeness: objectivity, knowledgeability, depth of analysis, and the presence or otherwise of reasoning and, in particular, the persuasiveness of an opinion. In the case of judicial pronouncements, the author points out that the paradox between Article 59 and Article 38(1)(d) of the ICJ Statute is only an apparent one. While judgments of the Court are binding only between the parties, it is merely the underlying reasoning that can be taken into account in the context of Article 38(1)(d) if considered persuasive. Without central authority, authoritativenes in international law must always be earned which is also the reason for the lack of an hierarchical order between as well as within judicial pronouncements and learned writings though the former are usually more likely to fulfil the criteria of authoritativeness. In both cases, however, previously acquired reputation of a court or even an individual judge as well as of a learned writer can create a presumption of authoritativeness. On a more general level, the author concludes with a call for a more careful differentiation between the determination of law and its application. Putting the issue discussed into perspective, the author argues that situations of law determination arise, contrary to common understanding, in fact far less often than situations of law application.
This study examines how the size of trade unions relative to the la- bor force impacts on the desirability of different organizational forms of self-financing unemployment insurance (UI) for workers, firms, and with reference to an efficiency criterion. For this purpose, we respectively nu- merically compare the outcome of a model with a uniform payroll tax to a model where workers pay taxes according to their systematic risk of unemployment. Our results highlight the importance of the bargaining structure for the assessment of a particular UI scheme. Most importantly, it depends on the size of the unions whether efficiency favors a uniform or a differentiated UI scheme.
Berlin – New York
(2018)
Beginning in January 2019, the new German government will face a particular new responsibility for world affairs: provided the elections in June 2018 lead to the desired result, Germany will be an elected member of the UN Security Council for two years from January 2019 until December 2020. However, Germany has been a respected and highly relevant member of the United Nations not only during its terms on the Security Council but also in “normal” times. The present article attempts to shed light on a few aspects of Germany’s role in the UN during Merkel’s chancellorship with an emphasis on her third term (2014-2017), such as the cooperative relationship between Germany and the UN Secretary-General in important policy fields, Germany’s financial contributions to the UN, the impact of Germany’s EU membership on its UN membership and the country’s efforts with regard to the reform of the Security Council. The paper further provides context for Germany’s abstention in the vote on Security Council Resolution 1973 on Libya in 2011. It concludes by ascertaining that Germany with its approach of active multilateralism has taken its place as one of the leading nations in Europe and is ready to take on responsibility with its partners to achieve a peaceful and stable world order.
In Mikro- und Industrieökonomik ist scheinbar gewiss, dassWettbewerb zu niedrigeren Preisen führt und dass Konsumenten von Wettbewerb profitieren, während die etablierten Unternehmen einen Nachteil erleiden. Dieser Beitrag verwendet ein raumwirtschaftliches Standardmodell, um zu zeigen, dass dies nicht immer so sein muss. Der Grund ist, dass durch den Marktzutritt gerade die Konsumenten, deren Preiselastizität am größten ist, von dem Unternehmen bei der Preisbildung nicht berücksichtigt werden.
German international legal scholarship has been known for its practice-oriented, doctrinal approach to international law. On the basis of archival material, this article tracks how this methodological take on international law developed in Germany between the 1920s and the 1980s. In 1924, as a reaction to the establishment of judicial institutions in the Treaty of Versailles, the German Reich founded the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law. Director Viktor Bruns institutionalized the practice-oriented method to advance the idea of international law as a legal order as well as to safeguard the interests of the Weimar government before the various courts. Under National Socialism, members of the Institute provided legal justifications for Hitler’s increasingly radical foreign policy. At the same time, some of them did not engage with völkisch-racist theories, but systematized the existing ius in bello. After 1945, Hermann Mosler, as director of the renamed Max Planck Institute, took the view that the practice-oriented approach was not as discredited as the more theoretical approach of völkisch international law. Furthermore, he regarded the method as a promising vehicle to support the policy of Westintegration of Konrad Adenauer. Also, he tried to promote the idea of ‘international society as a legal community’ by analysing international practice.
Draft Art. 15 CCAH attempts to strike a balance between State autonomy and robust judicial supervision. It largely follows Article 22 CERD conditioning the jurisdiction of the ICJ on prior negotiations. Hence, the substance of the clause is interpreted in light of the Court’s recent case law, especially Georgia v. Russia. Besides, several issues regarding the scope ratione temporis of the compromissory clause are discussed. The article advances several proposals to further improve the current draft, addressing the missing explicit reference to State responsibility, as well as the relationship between the Court and a possible treaty body, It also proposes to recalibrate the interplay of a requirement of prior negotiations respectively the seizing of a future treaty body on the one hand and provisional measures to be indicated by the Court on the other.
From an active labor market policy perspective, start-up subsidies for unemployed individuals are very effective in improving long-term labor market outcomes for participants. From a business perspective, however, the assessment of these public programs is less clear since they might attract individuals with low entrepreneurial abilities and produce businesses with low survival rates and little contribution to job creation, economic growth, and innovation. In this paper, we use a rich data set to compare participants of a German start-up subsidy program for unemployed individuals to a group of regular founders who started from nonunemployment and did not receive the subsidy. The data allows us to analyze their business performance up until 40 months after business formation. We find that formerly subsidized founders lag behind not only in survival and job creation, but especially also in innovation activities. The gaps in these business outcomes are relatively constant or even widening over time. Hence, we do not see any indication of catching up in the longer run. While the gap in survival can be entirely explained by initial differences in observable start-up characteristics, the gap in business development remains and seems to be the result of restricted access to capital as well as differential business strategies and dynamics. Considering these conflicting results for the assessment of the subsidy program from an ALMP and business perspective, policy makers need to carefully weigh the costs and benefits of such a strategy to find the right policy mix.
In its Burmych and Others v. Ukraine judgment of October 2017 the European Court of Human Rights has dismissed more than 12.000 applications due to the fact that given that they were not only repetitive in nature, but also mutatis mutandis identical to applications covered by a previous pilot judgment rendered against Ukraine. This raises fundamental issues as to the role of the Court within the human rights protection system established by the ECHR, as well as those concerning the interrelationship between the Court and the Committee of Ministers.
Challenging the Paris Peace Treaties, State Sovereignty, and Western-Dominated International Law
(2018)
The genesis of the jus cogens doctrine in international law for long has been associated with a turn to a more value-laden international law after the Second World War promoted by British rapporteurs in the International Law Commission. This paper builds on this narrative but adds two seemingly contradictory story lines. In the 1920s and 1930s German-speaking international legal scholars like Alfred Verdross developed the concept as a tool to renounce the disliked Paris Peace Treaties in the context of more and more aggressive German revision policies. Furthermore, after 1945 Soviet thinkers of the Khrushchev era used jus cogens to criticize Western economic and military integration, while newly independent states regarded the concept as a promising vehicle for distancing themselves from traditional Western international legal notions in the era of decolonization. Hence, instead of embracing a progress narrative, a dark sides-account or a contributionist reading of the history of international law, this paper highlights the multifaceted origins of the jus cogens doctrine.
Numerous studies investigate which sanctioning institutions prevent cartel formation but little is known as to how these sanctions work. We contribute to understanding the inner workings of cartels by studying experimentally the effect of sanctioning institutions on firms’ communication. Using machine learning to organize the chat communication into topics, we find that firms are significantly less likely to communicate explicitly about price fixing when sanctioning institutions are present. At the same time, average prices are lower when communication is less explicit. A mediation analysis suggests that sanctions are effective in hindering cartel formation not only because they introduce a risk of being fined but also by reducing the prevalence of explicit price communication.
This paper examines the attempts of implement-ing components of the concept called Civiliza-tional Hexagon as a pathway to civilizing conflict in the Sub-Saharan Africa in the post-Cold War period. Despite significant decline in the violent conflict and substantial progress socio-economic aspects in the period, most states in the region have been facing challenges in their way to civilize conflict related to absence of inclusive political system, weak state unable to monopolize the use of violence in its territory, and social injustice. On the other hand, states like Botswana and Mauritius managed to civilize conflict through significant improvement in democratic consolidation. Besides their relative success in implementing six elements, these states enabled to integrate traditional institutions with modern state apparatus that helped them to fill the gap created as result of exogenous state formation process and the resulting unfinished nation-building project. Additionally, traditional institutions contributed to managing diversity.
This paper develops the incentives to collude in a model with spatially separated markets and quantity setting firms. We find that increases in transportation costs stabilize the collusive agreement. We also show that, the higher the demand in both markets the less likely will collusion be sustained. Gross and Holahan (2003) use a similar model with price setting firms, we compare their results with ours to analyze the impact of the mode of competition on sustainability of collusion. Further we analyze the impact of collusion on social welfare and find that collusion may be welfare enhancing.
This paper develops a spatial model to analyze the stability of a market sharing agreement between two firms. We find that the stability of the cartel depends on the relative market size of each firm. Collusion is not attractive for firms with a small home market, but the incentive for collusion increases when the firm’s home market is getting larger relative to the home market of the competitor. The highest stability of a cartel and additionally the highest social welfare is found when regions are symmetric. Further we can show that a monetary transfer can stabilize the market sharing agreement.
Caribbean States organised in CARICOM recently brought forward reparation claims against several European States to compensate slavery and (native) genocides in the Caribbean and even threatened to approach the International Court of Justice. The paper provides for an analysis of the facts behind the CARICOM claim and asks whether the law of state responsibility is able to provide for the demanded compensation. As the intertemporal principle generally prohibits retroactive application of today’s international rules, the paper argues that the complete claim must be based on the law of state responsibility governing in the time of the respective conduct. An inquiry into the history of primary (prohibition of slavery and genocide) as well as secondary rules of State responsibility reveals that both sets of rules were underdeveloped or non-existent at the times of slavery and alleged (native) genocides. Therefore, the author concludes that the CARICOM claim is legally flawed but nevertheless worth the attention as it once again exposes imperial and colonial injustices of the past and their legitimization by historical international law and international/natural lawyers.
While the economic harm of cartels is caused by their price-increasing effect, sanctioning by courts rather targets at the underlying process of firms reaching a price-fixing agreement. This paper provides experimental evidence on the question whether such sanctioning meets the economic target, i.e., whether evidence of a collusive meeting of the firms and of the content of their communication reliably predicts subsequent prices. We find that already the mere mutual agreement to meet predicts a strong increase in prices. Conversely, express distancing from communication completely nullifies its otherwise price-increasing effect. Using machine learning, we show that communication only increases prices if it is very explicit about how the cartel plans to behave.
We investigate how the economic consequences of the pandemic, and of the government-mandated measures to contain its spread, affect the self-employed – particularly women – in Germany. For our analysis, we use representative, real-time survey data in which respondents were asked about their situation during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our findings indicate that among the self-employed, who generally face a higher likelihood of income losses due to COVID-19 than employees, women are 35% more likely to experience income losses than their male counterparts. Conversely, we do not find a comparable gender gap among employees. Our results further suggest that the gender gap among the self-employed is largely explained by the fact that women disproportionately work in industries that are more severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Our analysis of potential mechanisms reveals that women are significantly more likely to be impacted by government-imposed restrictions, i.e. the regulation of opening hours. We conclude that future policy measures intending to mitigate the consequences of such shocks should account for this considerable variation in economic hardship.
Das Cluster-Modell von Krugman und Venables (1996) erklärt im Rahmen der Neuen Ökonomischen Geographie die Bildung von Agglomerationen bei regional immobilen Arbeitskräften. Die resultierenden Gleichgewichte hängen von der Höhe der Transportkosten ab, die allerdings in beiden Sektoren als gleich hoch unterstellt werden. Der vorliegende Beitrag erweitert dieses Modell um die Möglichkeit sektoral unterschiedlicher Transportkosten. Da eine analytische Lösung nichtmöglich ist, wird eine geeignete Simulationsmethode entwickelt. Anhand von Abbildungen wird dargestellt, welche Gleichgewichte sich bei verschiedenen Werten für die beiden Transportkostensätze ergeben.
Inhalt 1 Einleitung 2 Eine skizzenhafte Darstellung des deutschen Systemsder Hausmüllentsorgung 3 Zum Begriffsverständnis des Markt- und Wettbewerbsversagens 4 Transaktionales Marktversagen als Begründung für dasdeutsche System der Hausmüllentsorgung 4.1 Zur Theorie des transaktionalen Marktversagens 4.1.1 Definition und Formen des transaktionalen Marktversagens 4.1.2 Zu den zentralen Begriffen „Transaktion“ und „Transaktionskosten“ 4.2 Die Ermittelbarkeit der Transaktionskosten 4.3 Tendenzaussagen zur Höhe der Transaktionskosten mit Hilfe transaktionskostendeterminierenderFaktoren - Theorie und Anwendung 4.3.1 Spezifität 4.3.2 Messbarkeit 4.3.3 Unsicherheit 4.3.4 Transaktionshäufigkeit 4.3.5 Transaktionsatmosphäre 4.4 Marktpreis und Produktionskosten 4.5 Zum Nutzen der Abfallentsorgung für den privaten Haushalt 4.6 Das Verwaltungsmonopol als alternative, transaktionskostensenkende,nicht-marktliche Lösung 4.7 Transaktionales Marktversagen als Legitimationsgrundlage für einestaatliche Vorgabe des Koordinationsmechanismus 5 Fazit
Die Entwicklung der deutschen Regionen nach der Wiedervereinigung kann mit Hilfe der Neuen Ökonomischen Geographie erklärt werden. Die gängigen Modelle zeigen aber weder, wie dauerhafte Lohnsatzdifferenzen ohne vollständige Agglomeration entstehen, noch wird die Frage beantwortet, in welcher der betrachteten Regionen sich eine Agglomeration bildet. Diese Lücke wird hier geschlossen, indem das Modell von Ludema und Wooton (1997) erweitert und anschließend auf die Situation in Deutschland angewendet wird.
In diesem Beitrag wird das optimale Angebot für einen Wohnungsmarkt bestimmt. Die Nachfrage wird dafür aus einem offenen Modell der monozentrischen Stadt hergeleitet. Weiterhin wird davon ausgegangen, dass Wohnungen aufgrund der verschiedenen Standorte und aufgrund weiterer diskreter Wohnungsmerkmale heterogen sind. Der Wohnungsanbieter an einem Standort wird daher als Mehrproduktmonopolist aufgefasst. Als gewinnmaximale Angebotsstruktur zeigt sich, dass unter bestimmten Bedingungen Wohnungen gleichen Typs an verschiedenen Standorten gleich groß sind. Außerdem werden an den jeweiligen Standorten mehrere Wohnungstypen angeboten. Diese beiden Resultate stehen im deutlichen Gegensatz zu Modellen der Neuen Stadtökonomie, wonach an den Standorten jeweils nur ein Wohnungstyp angeboten wird, dessen Größe zudem über die verschiedenen Standorte variiert.
While a growing body of literature finds positive impacts of Start-Up Subsidies (SUS) on labor market outcomes of participants, little is known about how the design of these programs shapes their effectiveness and hence how to improve policy. As experimental variation in program design is unavailable, we exploit the 2011 reform of the current German SUS program for the unemployed which strengthened case-workers’ discretionary power, increased entry requirements and reduced monetary support. We estimate the impact of the reform on the program’s effectiveness using samples of participants and non-participants from before and after the reform. To control for time-constant unobserved heterogeneity as well as differential selection patterns based on observable characteristics over time, we combine Difference-in-Differences with inverse probability weighting using covariate balancing propensity scores. Holding participants’ observed characteristics as well as macroeconomic conditions constant, the results suggest that the reform was successful in raising employment effects on average. As these findings may be contaminated by changes in selection patterns based on unobserved characteristics, we assess our results using simulation-based sensitivity analyses and find that our estimates are highly robust to changes in unobserved characteristics. Hence, the reform most likely had a positive impact on the effectiveness of the program, suggesting that increasing entry requirements and reducing support in-creased the program’s impacts while reducing the cost per participant.
In many countries, women are over-represented among low-wage employees, which is why a wage floor could benefit them particularly. Following this notion, we analyse the impact of the German minimum wage introduction in 2015 on the gender wage gap. Germany poses an interesting case study in this context, since it has a rather high gender wage gap and set the minimum wage at a relatively high level, affecting more than four million employees. Based on individual data from the Structure of Earnings Survey, containing information for over one million employees working in 60,000 firms, we use a difference-in- difference framework that exploits regional differences in the bite of the minimum wage. We find a significant negative effect of the minimum wage on the regional gender wage gap. Between 2014 and 2018, the gap at the 10th percentile of the wage distribution was reduced by 4.6 percentage points (or 32%) in regions that were strongly affected by the minimum wage compared to less affected regions. For the gap at the 25th percentile, the effect still amounted to -18%, while for the mean it was smaller (-11%) and not particularly robust. We thus find that the minimum wage can indeed reduce gender wage disparities. While the effect is highest for the low-paid, it also reaches up into higher parts of the wage distribution.
Inhalt: Die Statistik als Spiegel der Gesellschaft - Statistik als „Weg in die Realität“ - Statistik als Spiegel des politischen Systems Grundelemente der demokratischen Ordnung Statistik und Gewaltenteilung - Das Legalitätsprinzip - Die vertikale Gewaltenteilung - Die Internationalisierung der Statistik - Exkurs: Statistik in einem monistischen System Statistik und konkurrierende Willensbildung - Mittel zur Konsensbildung - Die „informationelle Infrastruktur“ - Voraussetzungen der Infrastruktur - Statistik in der politischen Diskussion Statistik und partielle politische Integration - Grenzen der amtlichen Statistik - Statistik im staatsfreien Raum - Die Privatisierung der Statistik - Das Volkszählungsurteil
Inhalt 1 Einleitung 2 Die Ziele des EnWG 2005 3 Die wichtigsten Neuregelungen des EnWG 2005 3.1 Neuregelungen zwecks Förderung des Wettbewerbs 3.1.1 Netzzugang 3.1.2 Netzentgelte 3.1.3 Unbundling 3.1.4 Stromkennzeichnung 3.2 Neuregelungen im Interesse der Versorgungssicherheit 4 Auswirkungen der Neuregelungen auf die Ziele des EnWG 2005 4.1 Preisgünstigkeit 4.2 Versorgungssicherheit 4.3 Umweltverträglichkeit 4.4 Energieeffizienz und Verbraucherfreundlichkeit 5 Fazit
Im August 2007 verstarb Erich Hoppmann. Die Wettbewerbsökonomik hat ihm außerordentlich viel zu verdanken. Besondere Bekanntheit erlangte seine Kontroverse mit Erhard Kantzenbach über das adäquate Leitbild der Wettbewerbspolitik. Hoppmanns Leitbild der Wettbewerbsfreiheit entstand ab 1966 vornehmlich als Reaktion auf Kantzenbachs Leitbild der optimalen Wettbewerbsintensität. Hoppmanns Leitbild wandte sich aber auch gegen bestimmte Workability-Konzepte, ferner gegen die mit dem neoklassischen Modell der vollkommenen Konkurrenz verbundenen Gleichgewichtsvorstellungen. Wegen der für die Entwicklung der Wettbewerbspolitik in Deutschland bedeutsamen Kontroverse zwischen Hoppmann und Kantzenbach wollen wir uns im Folgenden auf deren Leitbilder konzentrieren. Zunächst werden beide Konzeptionen rekapituliert und sodann gegenübergestellt. Schließlich wird nach ihrer Bedeutung für die Theorie und Praxis der Wettbewerbspolitik gefragt.
Inhalt: 1 Einleitung 2 Definition Freier Berufe 3 Die relevanten Marktordnungsmaßnahmen bei Ärzten und Rechtsanwälten im Überblick 4 Klärung der Begrifflichkeiten des Markt- und Wettbewerbsversagens 5 Die Konzepte öffentlicher und meritorischer Güter: Darstellung, Diskussion und Vergleich beider Konzepte 5.1 Öffentliche Güter 5.1.1 Darstellung 5.1.1.1 Die Rolle der Transaktionskosten 5.1.1.2 Die Rolle der positiven externen Effekte 5.1.2 Diskussion 5.2 Meritorische Güter 5.2.1 Darstellung 5.2.1.1 Die Rolle der Transaktionskosten 5.2.1.2 Die Rolle der positiven externen Effekte 5.2.2 Diskussion 5.3 Vergleich beider Konzepte und weitere Vorgehensweise 6 Die Konzepte öffentlicher und meritorischer Güter angewendet auf ... 6.1 ... Ärzte 6.2 ... Rechtsanwälte 6.3 Ergebnisse 7 Kurzes Resümee und Ausblick
Inhalt 1 Einleitung 2 Theoretische Vor- und Nachteile vertikaler Trennung von Netz undTransportbetrieb 3 Ausgangslage in Schweden vor der Bahnreform 4 Ziele der schwedischen Eisenbahnreform 5 Maßnahmen der schwedischen Eisenbahnreform 6 Kritische Würdigung der Reform 6.1 Marktstruktur des schwedischen Eisenbahnverkehrs 6.1.1 Hauptakteure und Eigentumsstruktur 6.1.2 Wettbewerbssituation im schwedischen Eisenbahnverkehr 6.1.3 Finanzierung des schwedischen Eisenbahnsystems 6.2 Marktverhalten der marktbeherrschenden Unternehmen 6.3 Performance des heutigen schwedischen Eisenbahnsystems 7 Fazit
Die Mitglieder der Stadträte in den großen deutschen Städten sind ehrenamtlich tätig und müssen große Herausforderungen, wie die Europäisierung der lokalen Ebene oder die Finanzierungslücken im kommunalen Haushalt, bewältigen.
Die Ehrenämtler müssen die Aufgabenbelastung durch Professionalisierungsmechanismen ausgleichen. Welche Arten der Professionalisierungsbedürfnisse liegen aber vor und sollten in den deutschen Städten geprüft werden? Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit konkreten Veränderungen vor Ort, um die Faktoren Zeiteffektivität, Tranzparenz und Informationsverarbeitung zu verbessern. Das empirische Beispiel Potsdam wurde für die Analayse ausgewählt, da überdurchschnittlich lang und häufig getagt wird. Die Indikatoren Fraktionsgröße, Positionsmenge oder Engagementlänge sollen aufzeigen, in welchem konkreten Rahmen Veränderungen nötig und auch gewollt sind. Die Arbeit soll andere Städte zur Überprüfung ihrer eigenen Räte anregen.
Daraus ergibt sich die Frage, ob die Belastung der Mitglieder der Stadträte und Stadtverordnetenversammlungen so groß geworden ist, dass Deutschland gar eine dritte föderale Ebene benötigt, um die Aufgaben zu bewältigen. Ist nicht eine schleichende dritte Ebene in der Realität bereits vorhanden. Die Analysekriterien sind der zeitliche Umfang des Engagements, die finanzielle Kompensierung der Ehrenamtlichkeit und die Elemente der Parlamentarisierung.
Die deutsche und europäische Migrationspolitik befindet sich im permanenten Krisenmodus. Plötzliche Anstiege ungeregelter Zuwanderung nähren ein Gefühl von Kontrollverlust, das wiederum von populistischen Kräften instrumentalisiert wird. Daher hat die Politik großes Interesse an quantitativen Migrationsprognosen. Besondere Erwartungen wecken KI-gestützte Instrumente zur Vorhersage ungeregelter Wanderungsbewegungen, wie sie zurzeit entwickelt werden. Die Anwendungsfelder dieser Instrumente sind vielfältig. Sie reichen von einer Stärkung der Aufnahmekapazitäten in der EU über die präventive Verschärfung von Grenzschutzmaßnahmen und eine bedarfsgerechte Bereitstellung von Ressourcen in humanitären Krisen bis zur längerfristigen entwicklungspolitischen Programmplanung. Allerdings besteht eine deutliche Kluft zwischen den Erwartungen an die neuen Instrumente und ihrem praktischen Mehrwert. Zum einen sind die technischen Möglichkeiten begrenzt, und mittelfristige Vorhersagen zu ungeregelten Wanderungen sind methodisch kaum möglich. Zum anderen mangelt es an Verfahren, um die Ergebnisse in politische Entscheidungsprozesse einfließen zu lassen. Die hohe Nachfrage nach Prognosen erklärt sich aus den politischen Funktionen quantitativer Migrationsvorhersage - beispielsweise ihrem Potential für die politische Kommunikation, die Mitteleinwerbung und die Legitimierung politischer Entscheidungen. Investitionen in die Qualität der den Prognosen zugrunde liegenden Daten sind sinnvoller als die Entwicklung immer neuer Instrumente. Bei der Mittelvergabe für Prognosen sollten Anwendungen in der Nothilfe und der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit priorisiert werden. Zudem sollten die Krisenfrüherkennung und die Risikoanalyse gestärkt werden, und die beteiligten Akteure sollten sich besser vernetzen.
Inhalt 1 Einleitung 2 Die Eisenbahnreform in Großbritaninien 2.1 Zum Bedarf einer Reorganisation von British Rail 2.2 Die Phase der Liberalisierung - Die Railtrack-Ära (1994 - 2001) 2.3 Die Problematik der Infrastrukturbetreiber 3 Das derzeitige britische Eisenbahnwesen 3.1 Die Hauptakteure und deren Beziehung zueinander 3.2 Die Marktstruktur des britischen Eisenbahnverkehrs 3.3 Das Marktverhalten der marktbeherrschenden Unternehmen 4 Die Performanceentwicklung des britischen Eisenbahnsystems seit dem Beginn der Bahnreform im Jahre 1994 4.1 Beschreibung der methodischen Herangehensweise 4.2 Die Entwicklung der Outout-IIndikatoren seit Beginn der Bahnreform 4.3 Die Entwicklung der Input-Indikatoren seit Beginn der Bahnreform 4.4 Ableitung eines Kosten-Nutzen-Trends seit Beginn der Bahnreform 5 Die aktuelle Reformpläne der britischen Regierung 6 Erfolgreiche Maßnahmen und Fehler der britischen Eisenbahnreform 7 Fazit
Divergent thinking is the ability to produce numerous and diverse responses to questions or tasks, and it is used as a predictor of creative achievement. It plays a significant role in the business organization’s innovation process and the recognition of new business opportunities. Drawing upon the cumulative process model of creativity in entrepreneurship, we hypothesize that divergent thinking has a lasting effect on post-launch entrepreneurial outcomes related to innovation and growth, but that this relation might not always be linear. Additionally, we hypothesize that domain-specific experience has a moderating role in this relation. We test our hypotheses based on a representative longitudinal sample of 457 German business founders, which we observe up until 40 months after start-up. We find strong relative effects for innovation and growth outcomes. For survival we find conclusive evidence for non-linearities in the effects of divergent thinking. Additionally, we show that such effects are moderated by the type of domain-specific experience that entrepreneurs gathered pre-launch, as it shapes the individual’s ideational abilities to fit into more sophisticated strategies regarding entrepreneurial creative achievement. Our findings have relevant policy implications in characterizing and identifying business start-ups with growth and innovation potential, allowing a more efficient allocation of public and private funds.
Do economists matter?
(2005)
Inhalt 1 Einleitung 2 Angebot an wettbewerbspolitischen Leitbildern 2.1 Ziele der Wissenschaftler 2.2 Bedeutung wettbewerbspolitischer Leitbilder 2.2.1 Ordoliberalismus 2.2.2 Workability-Konzepte 2.2.3 Kantzenbachs Leitbild der optimalen Wettbewerbsintensität 2.2.4 Hoppmanns Leitbild der Wettbewerbsfreiheit 2.2.5 Chicago School 3 Nachfrage nach wettbewerbspolitischen Leitbildern 3.1 Unterschiedliche Rollen der Politiker 3.2 Politiker und Ausrichtung der Wettbewerbspolitik 3.3 Wettbewerbspolitische Leitbilder und US-amerikanische Antitrustpolitik 4 Einfluss wettbewerbspolitischer Leitbilder auf die europäische Fusionskontroller 4.1 Deutsche Grundlagen 4.2 Materiell-rechtliche-Regelungen der FKVO 4.3 Einflüsse der wettbewerbspolitischen Leitbilder 4.4 Positionen der Interessengruppen 5 Fazit
Do institutions matter?
(2006)
Contens 1 Introduction 2 Institutions and the Institutional Change 2.1 Institutions and Theoretical Concepts in Economics 2.2 Path Dependence 2.3 Inconsistence of Institutional Development 2.4 Determinants of Effectiveness 2.5 Efficiency of New Institutions 3 What is “Competition Policy”? 4 The Competition Policy in Russia as an Institution 4.1 Establishment of the Competition Policy as an Institution 4.2 Market Structure and Competition Policy 4.3 Measures of Competition Policy 4.3.1 Prohibition of Competition Restrictive Agreements or Concerted Actions 4.3.2 Abuse of Dominance 4.3.3 Merger Control 4.3.4 Restrictive Action to Competition of Administrative Bodies 4.4 Violations of the Competition Law 4.5 Problems of the Russian Competition Policy 5 Which Mistakes Russia has made with the Implementation of theCompetition Policy? 6 Is a Lacking Effectiveness of Transplanted Institutions Inevitable? 7 Concluding Remarks