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In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary re-mark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigra-tion in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.
Background: Some (minority) groups (MGs) are more vulnerable to sexual violence (SV) exposure than others. Othering-based stress (OBS) may mediate the relationship between minority identification and SV. This study aims to assess the prevalence of SV in different MGs to explore the relationship between minority identification and SV, to investigate whether belonging to multiple MGs moderates this relationship, and to explore OBS SV moderation for different MGs. Method: Through an online survey administered to a nationally representative sample in Belgium, data was collected from 4632 persons, of whom 21.01% self-identified as belonging to a MG (SI-Minority). SV prevalence was measured using behaviorally specific questions based on the WHO definition of SV. SI-Minority participants received an additional scale on OBS. Results: SI-Minority participants reported more SV victimization compared to the non-minorities. However, this increased risk was not moderated by minority identification but linked to the socio-demographic SV risk markers common to minority individuals. Multiple-minority participants were found more at risk of SV compared to single-minority respondents. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, pan-/omnisexual, asexual, and other non-heterosexual (LGB+) participants were found more at risk than heterosexual participants. OBS was found to be significantly correlated to SV in sexual and gender minorities and in cultural minorities. Conclusions: This study contributes to our understanding of the relationship between minority identification, OBS, and SV. Studying both specific and common SV vulnerabilities and outcomes within specific societal subgroups and the general population may inform policy makers when allocating resources to those interventions with the largest societal impact.
In a critical approach to Mommsen’s classical thesis, which states the dependence of Weber’s sociology on his political position, the article reconstructs the foundation of Weber’s ‘The Profession and Vocation of Politics’ on his sociological analyses of the political domain in the manuscripts for the posthumous publication of Economy and Society. The first two pages of his 1919 lecture particularly show that Weber can fall back on the definitions of State and politics that he had already developed for his political sociology. Yet, to appreciate the full extent of this theoretical contribution, it is necessary to present Weber’s entire ideal-typical analysis of the political. The article then shows that Weber provides an unlabelled definition of ‘modern politics’ that negates ante litteram Carl Schmitt’s foundation of politics on the idea of enmity. In this context, Weber’s sound plea for parliamentarism and against the fascination of civil war comes to the fore that he wanted to deliver to his audience of young revolutionaries in January 1919.
Research has consistently shown that males play violent video games more frequently than females, but factors underlying this gender gap have not been examined to date. This approach examines the assumption that males play violent video games more because they anticipate more enjoyment and less guilt from engaging in virtual violence than females. This may be because males are less empathetic, tend to morally justify physical violence more and have a greater need for sensation and aggression in video game play than females. Results of a path model based on survey data of 444 respondents and using multi-step multiple mediation analyses confirm these assumptions. Taken together, the findings of this study shed further light on the gender gap in violent video game use.