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Begrenztes Cottbus?
(2024)
In diesem Band ermöglicht Mario Kaun ausgewählte Einblicke in die Lebenswelt der Cottbuser Exklavengesellschaft des 18. Jahrhunderts. Erstmalig erscheint hiermit für diesen Untersuchungsraum eine grundlegende Studie, die in umfassender Weise die Exklave und das Verhältnis von Militär und Gesellschaft näher erforscht sowie die wirtschaftliche Funktion der Garnison in einer aufstrebenden Stadt kritisch hinterfragt. Der Autor lenkt hierbei das Augenmerk auf etliche, bisher völlig unbekannte Perspektiven, die darüber hinaus einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Stadt- und Regionalgeschichtsforschung von Cottbus und der Niederlausitz leisten. Insbesondere die Befassung mit der brandenburgisch-preußischen Exklave stellt eine wertvolle Ergänzung zur bislang rudimentären Forschungslage dar.
How much influence did the former communist state security service Darzhavna sigurnost (DS) have during the transformation period in Bulgaria?
For the first time in history, there is empirical data available that allow for an analysis of the role of the Bulgarian secret police and its "afterlife" after 1990.
Bulgarian intelligence archives, which were made partly accessible following the country's admission to the European Union in 2007, provide an excellent basis for an analysis of the relationship between the DS and the Soviet State Committee for Security, the transformation of the Bulgarian security apparatus in 1990, attempts to disclose the state security archives, and continuous infiltration of Bulgarian politics, institutions, and security apparatus by former agents of the communist intelligence and security apparatus.
The empirical data suggest that personal connections, dependencies, and informal networks of former DS agents and officials played an important role during the transformation period in Bulgaria and are at least partly responsible for political corruption, continuous Russian influence, a high degree of politicization of the Bulgarian security apparatus, misuse of intelligence and illegal surveillance practices, and a high degree of domestic and international mistrust and (dis-)loyalty.
Wars and the world
(2024)
This book offers a descriptive analysis of the Soviet/Russian wars in Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Georgia, as well as an in-depth exploration of the ways in which these wars are framed in the collective consciousness created by global popular culture. Russian and Western modalities of remembrance have been, and remain, engaged in a world war that takes place (not exclusively, but intensively) on the level of popular culture. The action/reaction dynamic, confrontational narratives and othering between the two "camps" never ceased. The Cold War, in many ways and contrary to the views of many others who hoped for the end of history, never really ended.
After the Second World War, Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini were singled out as evil geniuses who misled the masses and plunged them into an “unwanted war.”
In relation to their armed forces, this narrative argued that the generals under their command had been demoted to powerless tools in the hands of the dictators, having to follow orders and with no sway over decision-making.
It was further asserted that Germany and Italy had not been able to secure a victory due to the dictators’ meddling. Yet, as this chapter shows, there are important differences between the German and Italian cases.
The chapter compares both the command structures in which the dictators operated as well as their grand strategies and how they cooperated during the war.
Their personal relationship will be also analyzed, as it is impossible to look at the Axis without understanding the complex personal relationship at the very top.
The strategies of both Hitler and Mussolini will be looked at and how each leader behaved in terms of working with their closest ally, together with some examples of cooperation on the lower military rungs.
Ada (Fishman) Maimon
(2023)
Der Föderalismus, dessen Wurzeln bis in das Mittelalter zurückreichen, gehört zu den Grundtatsachen der deutschen Geschichte. Dieses historische Erbe spiegelt sich in der heutigen deutschen Staatlichkeit wider, wie sie im Grundgesetz verankert ist und von Bund, Ländern und Kommunen mit Leben erfüllt wird. Renommierte Historiker, Politologen und Rechtswissenschaftler zeichnen in diesem Band die grundlegenden Entwicklungen der Föderalismusgeschichte in Deutschland seit der Gründung des deutschen Nationalstaats (1871) nach. Sie zeigen dabei die Kontinuitäten und Systembrüche deutscher Staatlichkeit auf – vom Kaiserreich über die Weimarer Republik und den NS-Staat bis hin zur Gegenwart in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland.
Wie wurden die Soldaten der Wehrmacht – in der Kaserne und an der Front – von ihren Unteroffizieren und Offizieren behandelt? Wie war deren Menschenführung beeinflusst vom Nationalsozialismus und welche Bedeutung hatte sie für den Zusammenhalt des deutschen Heeres im Zweiten Weltkrieg? Konstantin Franz Eckert schließt, gestützt auf eine breite Quellenbasis, eine wichtige Forschungslücke. Seine Studie zeigt, wie junge Männer auf ihren Militärdienst vorbereitet wurden und was sie von ihren Vorgesetzten erwarteten. Sie weist nach, dass Vorbild und persönlicher Einsatz, Konstruktivität und absolute Unterordnung unter das Gehorsamsprinzip im Dienst des NS-Regimes zentrale Führungselemente der Wehrmacht waren. Zudem wirft sie einen Blick auf die militärische Ausbildung und ordnet die alten Narrative vom »Kasernenhofschleifer« sachlich ein.
Over the six decades since it officially ended, the Algerian War has become a key event for marking, retrospectively, the beginning of a new era in European, Western and global history. This new era is characterized by the proclaimed end of Western hegemony – by the proclaimed end of European history as global, universal history. This era, our era, understands itself as the time after the domination of the West, a time or multiple times of “post”: the time of postcolonialism, but also postmodernity, postsecularism, posthumanism.
The times of “post” are characterized by a fundamental reconfiguration of the relations between European civilization and its Others, first and foremost by the proclaimed split between Europe and its Others, and more generally by the disintegration, disruption and dispersion of the – allegedly – unified space of culture, knowledge and discourse. The postcolonial era is an era of diversity and difference, an era of dispersions and diasporas, where the space of culture is a space of multiple cultures, a space of in-between, of “inter”: the space of the intercultural, but also the interreligious, interethnic, interracial and inter-epistemic.
This conference will reflect on the “inter” in the time of “post”. We invited scholars, thinkers, intellectuals and artists to discuss various aspects and models of intercultural dynamics that have been developed and articulated in the aftermath of the Algerian War or of other events that marked the decline of Western hegemony, such as the Second Vatican, May 1968 or the Vietnam War. How did the age of decolonization reshape the discourse and practice of intercultural relations? To what extent interculturality itself is a sign or a site of decolonization? To what extent, on the contrary, intercultural relations may reproduce colonial or generate neocolonial patterns?
Contributions examine the emergence of intercultural notions and practices in various intellectual traditions, European or non-European; the development of new categories and constellations of identity, otherness and dialogue; the interrelations between epistemic, cultural, discursive, religious and political aspects; as well as reactions to these new developments and various forms of critique and resistance. We are especially interested in how this reflection may shed light on socio-political and cultural phenomena, trends and concerns of the present time.