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Wilson Harris
(2004)
Visual Culture
(2004)
Vignetten
(2004)
V.S. Reid
(2004)
English and German, though genetically closely related, have undergone different developments with regard to the verbal category aspect in its interaction with aktionsart. English has grammaticalized a periphrastic construction to mark the progressisve whereas German - if at all - uses word formation to mark the perfective. This study deals with verbal prefixes, especially ge-/gi-, in the earliest attestable stages of the two languages, i.e. in Old English (King Alfred's Orosius) and Old High German (Tafan). These elements have often been considered markers of perfective aspect or aktionsart and can be compared to perfectives, which - according to Bybee/Perkins/Pagliuca (1994) - have developed from "bounders", i.e. adverbial particles to denote situation boundaries. Our analyses suggest that although there are basic similarities in the use of the various verbal constructions, the diverging paths of development with regard to aspect seem to begin already in these early stages
Die englische Grammatikschreibung im 18. Jahrhundert ist vordergründig präskriptiv und basiert auf den traditionellen theoretischen Grundlagen, die für die klassischen Sprachen entwickelt wurden. So werden grammatische Kategorien wie Person und Numerus, Tempus, Modus, Genus Verbi unterschieden, für welche Flexionsparadigmen aufgestellt werden. Im Vergleich zu den klassischen Sprachen hat jedoch das Englische eine weitreichende Umgestaltung in der Strukturierung seiner gesamten Verbalkategorien erfahren: Analytische Mittel (have, be, do, will, etc. in Verbindung mit infiniten Formen des Verbs) werden verwendet, um verschiedene Ausprägungen der Vergangenheit, Zukünftigkeit, Gleichzeitigkeit, Vorzeitigkeit, Prozeßhaftigkeit etc. auszudrücken. Das Modussystem ist zusammengebrochen. Um dies zu kompensieren und einige der Funktionen des ehemaligen Konjunktivs zu übernehmen, wurden zum Beispiel die Modalverben grammatikalisiert. Dann ist auch noch eine völlig neue Kategorie entstanden, der Aspekt. In den frühen Grammatiken des 17. Jahrhunderts wurde die Konstruktion be + V-ing, die den Progressiven Aspekt ausdrückt, noch nicht einmal erwähnt (z.B. John Wallis 1653, Jeremiah Wharton 1654, Joseph Aickin 1693). Es ist interessant, daß sie zum ersten Mal von einem Ausländer Beachtung findet: Guy Miege führt diese Konstruktion auf in seiner Englischen Grammatik von 1688. Eine ausführliche und systematische Beschreibung erfolgt dann aber erst gegen Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts (James Pickbourne 1789). Er integriert die Progressive Form in das Tempussystem und unterscheidet somit insgesamt 18 Tempora im Englischen. Andere Grammatiker nennen 3 oder 5 oder 7 Tempora. Der Aufsatz beschreibt verschiedene Herangehensweisen an die Beschreibung des neu entstandenen Englischen Tempus- und Aspektsystems in der Grammatikschreibung des 18. Jahrhunderts. Ein zentraler Punkt ist die Integration der aspektuellen Unterscheidung zwischen Einfacher und Progressiver Form, die sich in dieser Zeit gerade erst in der Sprache etabliert hatte.
Samuel Selvon
(2004)
Roger Mais
(2004)
Reason and imagination in English Romanticism : S.T. Coleridge as a culmination point of his time
(2004)
Postcolonial theory : the emergence of a critical discourse ; a selected and annotated bibliography
(2004)
Background: A large number of studies examining agrammatic comprehension of canonical and non-canonical sentences in Broca's aphasia have focused on passives and results have been interpreted in theoretical frameworks such as the trace deletion hypothesis (TDH: Grodzinsky, 1995a). However, there are a number of unresolved issues associated with passives. The linguistic analysis of passive structures in different languages has remained controversial as well as the empirical neurolinguistic basis of agrammatic passive comprehension. In addition, a variety of morphological and semantic questions have been raised with respect to the implicit argument in short passives and the ordering of thematic roles reflected by different positions of the by-phrase in long passives. Aims: The major aims of the present study were to re-examine the analyses of passives with and without traces, the role of an implicit argument in short passives, and the influence of the position of the by-phrase on agrammatic sentence comprehension. Methods & Procedures: A binary picture-sentence matching task was administered to six non-fluent German agrammatic speakers. Various types of passives including long, short, and topicalised passives were tested. Additionally, comprehension of active SVO sentences was assessed in a separate but similar session. Only those patients whose comprehension on active sentences was above chance were included. Outcomes & Results: As a group, the six subjects performed above chance over all passive types. If only long canonical passives are considered, as is done in most studies, five subjects showed a pattern compatible with the TDH. However, the picture was modified if other passive constructions were taken into account, in which case only three of the six subjects showed TDH conformity. Conclusions: There is no unique pattern of agrammatic passive comprehension and only half of the agrammatic subjects conformed to the trace deletion hypothesis. Given the results on long canonical and topicalised passives, our data support linguistic analyses that assume a trace- based derivation of passives. Furthermore, the results are in line with linguistic analyses adopting an implicit argument in short passives. Since comprehension of topicalised passives with a canonical order of theta-roles was not better than that of long passives without a canonical order, the agrammatic problem with passives does not seem to hinge on semantics