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Captive Red Army soldiers made up the majority of victims of Nazi Germany’s starvation policy against Soviet civilians and other non-combatants and thus constituted the largest single victim group of the German war of annihilation against the Soviet Union. Indeed, Soviet prisoners of war were the largest victim group of all National Socialist annihilation policies after the European Jews. Before the launch of Operation Barbarossa, it was clear to the Wehrmacht planning departments on exactly what scale they could expect to capture Soviet troops. Yet, they neglected to make the necessary preparations for feeding and sheltering the captured soldiers, who were viewed by the economic staffs and the military leadership alike as direct competitors of German troops and the German home front for precious food supplies. The number of extra mouths to feed was incompatible with German war aims. The obvious limitations on their freedom of movement and the relative ease with which large numbers could be segregated and their rations controlled were crucial factors in the death of over 3 million Soviet POWs, the vast majority directly or indirectly as a result of deliberate policies of neglect, undernourishment, and starvation while in the ‘care’ of the Wehrmacht. The most reliable figures for the mortality of Soviet POWs in German captivity reveal that up to 3.3 million died from a total of just over 5.7 million captured between June 1941 and February 1945 — a proportion of almost 58 percent. Of these, 2 million were already dead by the beginning of February 1942. In English, there is still neither a single monograph nor a single edited volume dedicated to the subject. This article now provides the first detailed stand-alone synthesis in that language addressing the whole period from 1941 to 1945.
Never again?
(2023)
The Holocaust was the most terrible atrocity of the 20th century. In many ways, it was also unprecedented in the history of atrocities: for its comprehensiveness and systematic nature; for the fanaticism with which its perpetrators scoured an entire continent in their pursuit of Jews; for the awful potency of the Nazis’ insinuation that the victims represented a pernicious and existential threat. Collectively, we have spent decades—and published millions of words—trying to understand what happened and why.
La Wehrmacht tenía muy claro a qué escala podía esperar capturar a las tropas soviéticas, pero aun así descuidó los preparativos necesarios para alimentar y alojar a unos hombres que los planificadores económicos y los jefes militares consideraron que serían competidores directos de las fuerzas armadas en lo que a víveres se refiere. Las obvias limitaciones a su libertad de movimiento y la relativa facilidad con la que grandes cantidades de ellos pudieron ser segregados y sus raciones controladas fueron factores cruciales a la hora de explicar la muerte de más de tres millones de prisioneros de guerra soviéticos, la inmensa mayoría de ellos como consecuencia directa o indirecta del hambre y la desnutrición. El proceso se inició con un claro desinterés por encargarse debidamente de aquella gente, pero con la llegada del otoño derivó en la decisión clara y meditada de matar de hambre a todos los que no pudieran aportar su trabajo a la economía de guerra o a los ejércitos alemanes.
Liebesgaben aus West-Berlin
(2023)
Eine Frage der Würdigkeit?
(2023)
In the Shadow of Ukraine
(2022)
In 2022, India captured global attention over its response to the war in Ukraine. While calling for both parties' return to diplomacy, India abstained from several United Nations resolutions condemning Russian aggression. For a country that ostensibly subscribes to the values of democracy and territorial integrity, its response appeared frustrating and contradictory, but it is broadly consistent with its long-standing policy of non-alignment. Although India's relationship with China is increasingly contentious, New Delhi is not yet fully convinced that it is in India's interest to swing westwards. The country's relations with Russia and China are deep, complex and substantive. In addition to the military and economic benefits it derives from its connection with Russia, New Delhi and Moscow share an avowed preference for a more equal, multipolar world. India will eventually have to reflect on the extent to which it can sustain its balancing act.
Editorial
(2023)
It has been highlighted many times how difficult it is to draw a boundary between gift and bribe, and how the same transfer can be interpreted in different ways according to the position of the observer and the narrative frame into which it is inserted. This also applied of course to Ancient Rome; in both the Republic and Principate lawgivers tried to define the limits of acceptable transfers and thus also to identify what we might call ‘corruption’. Yet, such definitions remained to a large extent blurred, and what was constructed was mostly a ‘code of conduct’, allowing Roman politicians to perform their own ‘honesty’ in public duty – while being aware at all times that their involvement in different kinds of transfer might be used by their opponents against them and presented as a case of ‘corrupt’ behaviour.
El artículo analiza la corrupción como un fenómeno complejo y con frecuencia ambiguo, relacionado con comportamientos y mentalidades individuales y colectivas, que son percibidos como ilegítimos o inmorales y, por lo tanto, desviados de normas establecidas. Más allá de un acercamiento reduccionista u objetivista a lugares comunes de la corrupción política, o a delitos tipificados por la ley, esta contribución pretende destacar la relevancia del análisis histórico del discurso en el estudio del tema. Este enfoque nos permite reconstruir contextos en los que se identifica la corrupción, así como analizar relatos, no siempre unánimes, sobre estas prácticas. El trabajo se adentra en una época lejana, pero a la vez cercana a nuestro tiempo, el último siglo la República romana. La evidencia nos permite evaluar críticamente aspectos fundamentales de la construcción retórica de la corrupción y de sus zonas grises, como la distinción, a menudo borrosa, entre regalo y soborno.
A different class of refugee: university scholarships and developmentalism in late 1960s Africa
(2022)
Using documents assembled in connection with the 1967 Conference on the Legal, Economic and Social Aspects of African Refugee Problems, this article discusses African refugee higher-education discourses in the 1960s at the level of international organizations, volunteer agencies, and government representatives. Education and development history have recently been studied together, but this article focuses on the history of refugee higher education, which, it argues, needs to be understood within the development framework of human-capital theory, meant to support political pan African concerns for a decolonized continent and merged with humanitarian arguments to create a hybrid form of humanitarian developmentalism. The article zooms in on higher-education scholarships, above all for refugees from Southern Africa, as a means of support for human-capital development. It shows that refugee higher education was both a result and a driver of increased international exchanges, as evidenced at the 1967 conference.
Theodor Lessing was a German-Jewish philosopher, Zionist, Communist and member of the Prager Kreis. He wrote psychological studies of Judaism and influenced with his main philosophical works Geschichte als Sinngebung des Sinnlosen (1919) and Europa und Asien (1918, and 1924) the German speaking scholars and contemporaries in Germany and elsewhere. He was killed by the Nazis in 1933 as one of the first victims of National Socialism.
"Ein Brandenburger Weg"?
(2023)
"Rock gegen Kommunismus"
(2023)