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The chapter explores aspects of ‘memory games’ in postcommunist Poland vis-à-vis the country’s authoritarian communist past. In particular, it is interested in the populist moments of lustration and de-communization, and also after October 2015 when the right-wing Law and Justice party (PiS) won the parliamentary and presidential elections in Poland. The main argument is that even though legitimate considerations of lustration and de-communization play a role, a number of policies dealing with transitional justice are related to populist mobilization by the PiS. Against this background, the chapter discusses how far the transitional justice has been accompanied by the process of reframing the political memory about the guilt, suffering, and righteousness during communism. Populist legitimation aims at reconfiguring the public discourse on the transitional justice in a way that it is used to justify controversial public policies in tune with the interest of the groups currently in power, which present themselves as the true voice of the people. The core of the article deals with three main aspects of Polish memory games: (1) the meandering of lustration (mainly with regard to the position of the PiS/Law and Justice and PO/Civic Platform – the largest Polish political parties since 2005), (2) the lustration as the function of power, and (3) the role of the Institute of National Remembrance as a case of institutionalized memory games.
The point of departure of this article is limited systematic research on the rotating EU Council Presidency after the Lisbon Treaty. In order to assess rotating presidencies the paper proposes a three-tier approach which includes a functional, a behavioural and a contingency dimension. These dimensions are supplemented by the institutional changes of the Lisbon Treaty referring to the rotating presidencies. Next, the paper applies this evaluation framework to the Polish Presidency that took place in the second half of 2011. Finally, it draws conclusions from the Polish case for both the leadership capacity of the rotating Council Presidency in the post-Lisbon European Union and the performance of Poland's EU Council Presidency.
Verfassungsdiskurs in Polen
(2005)
The article departs from the discussion of the Sources of the scholar interest in civil societv and proceeds to the functional expectations about it. It claims that the concept of civil society, as it is frequently used in scientific and political debates, has specific cultural roots, which makcs a trans-cultural analysis difficult or perhaps even impossible. Furthermore, the article addresses three conceptual problems of civil society, namely the issue of what constitutes civil society, its autonomy and impact as well as the challenge of civil society to the state. The central argument of the article is that in order to examine the impact of civil society on governance and democracy, it is recommendable to include three levels of analysis, namely the structure and functions of civil society (including also the possibly negative impact of civil society), the type of state co-existing with civil society as well as the character of the relationship between state and civil society
Inhalt: Introduction: The problem at hand Approaches to EU’s external identity making Mechanisms of external identity making Theoretical approaches to the EU’s external identity making The EU’s external identity promotion The ENP policy instruments Conclusions References
The Polish discourse about the European Constitution has one feature in common with the discourses of other member states: it deals with everything but the text of the Constitution Treaty itself. At its core it oscillates between the Polish striving for power in the EU and the toleration for cultural difference in Europe. The opposite of the latter has been particularly significant during the referendum debates in France and the Netherlands, which let to the rejection of the constitutional treaty.
In Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept kollektiver Identität werden drei Bürgerschafts-Modelle (republikanisches, liberales und cäsarisches) diskutiert. Bürgerschaft wird im Sinne von citizenship anstelle von Staatsbürgerschaft wegen deren etatistischer Konnotation in der deutschen Sprache verwendet. Abschließend wird die europäische Bürgerschaft sowie deren korrespondierende kollektive Identität betrachtet.