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The consequences of economic globalization have created a new interest in ́EmileDurkheim’s conception of an institutional and moral reorganization of modernsociety that he developed in Professional Ethics and Civic Morals. Contrary toexisting attempts to explain these political processes towards democratization, thisarticle argues for a causal analysis of social change and concentrates on the socialmechanisms that trigger the reorganization process of modern society. Two thesesare entertained. The first thesis argues that the programme of an institutional andmoral reorganization of modern society can be reanalysed as a causal process ofdemocratization. This process takes two steps. While social mechanisms of reorgan-izationbring about the institutional and moral reorganization of modern society,social mechanisms of stabilizationguarantee the functioning of the emergingdemocratic system. Further, the second thesis argues that this kind of explanationcan be applied to Durkheim’s vision of a European confederation. The analysisreveals that his idea of a ‘post-national’ constellation refers to crucial problems ofthe recent debate regarding a democratic deficit in the European Union, and itshows that Durkheim’s contribution to both political sociology and historical-comparative research has been misconceived and prematurely repudiated.
Geheimgeschichten
(2006)
Golden Years
(2006)
Im Rahmen des „steirischen herbst“ 1999 unter der Intendanz von Christine Frisinghelli und im Rahmen eines von Jörg Schlick und Christoph Gurk initiierten größeren Projektes unter dem Titel „REMAKE/RE-MODEL. Secret Histories of Art, Pop, Life and The Avantgarde“ spürte eine Gruppe von KulturwissenschaftlerInnen, PhilosophInnen und AutorInnen diesen „Geheimgeschichten“ von Subkulturen nach (Diedrich Diederichsen, Matthias Haase, Juliane Rebentisch, Martin Saar, Ruth Sonderegger). In einer Installation samt eigens produziertem historischen Film von Mike Kelley, einer Retrospektive der frisch restaurierten Filme von Jack Smith, Performances von Terre Thaemlitz und Ultra-red und vor allem einem Symposium mit u.a. Douglas Crimp, Jerry Tartaglia, Gertrud Koch und den beteiligten KünstlerInnen wurde diesen Fragen nachgegangen.
Der rekonstruktive Teil des Symposiums und seine Dokumentation findet sich nun in diesem unter dem Titel GOLDEN YEARS herausgegebenen Band, der seine Aktualität nicht zuletzt aus auch nachfolgend entstandenen Beiträgen und durch die Ergänzung mit wichtigem historischen Quellenmaterial erhält.
Der Beitrag diskutiert Genese, Bedeutungsgehalt und theoretischen Kontext des Merton’schen Konzepts der Opportunitätsstruktur und des von ihm bei Weber entliehenen Konzepts der Lebenschancen. Die These lautet, dass beide Konzepte konflikttheoretisch interpretiert werden müssen, damit sie ihr volles analytisches und erklärendes Potenzial zur Analyse zentraler sozialer Konflikte entfalten können. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass beide Konzepte in ihrem Bedeutungsgehalt konvergieren, ein konflikttheoretisch inspiriertes Verständnis aber unterschiedliche theoretische Strategien erfordert. Während die Opportunitätsstrukturen jenseits des Merton’schen Verständnisses reinterpretiert werden müssen, um verstehen zu können, dass das Handeln sozialer Akteure die Optionen anderer beschränken kann, ist für die Lebenschancen ein Zurück zu Max Webers ursprünglicher Idee angezeigt, um der Bedeutung sozialer Schließung als sozialen Mechanismus einer Auseinandersetzung um knappe Güter nachgehen zu können
Editorial
(2010)
In der Wissenschaft sollten Geburtstage oder Jubiläen bestenfalls Anlass, nicht aber der eigentliche Grund sein, sich in Form eines Schwerpunktheftes erneut mit dem Werk eines wichtigen Vertreters der Zunft zu befassen. Nur allzu leicht geraten Rückblicke zu einer bloßen Einordnung eines Werkes in den Kontext seiner Zeit und beschränken sich damit auf seine schlichte Historisierung. Das lange Schaffen Robert King Mertons ließe sich ohne Probleme als bedeutender Teil der Geschichte der Soziologie in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts beschreiben. Doch Merton selbst hat schon früh betont, dass in der Wissenschaft ein grundlegender Unterschied zwischen erzählter (Wissenschafts-)Geschichte und systematischer Analyse eines klassischen theoretischen Werkes besteht. In diesem Sinne geht es darum, jenem Diktum Alfred N. Whiteheads gerecht zu werden, das Merton selbst seinem Hauptwerk Social Theory and Social Structure vorangestellt hat: „A science that hesitates to forget its founders is lost.“ Damit sollte keineswegs die fortbestehende Bedeutung einer Auseinandersetzung mit den klassischen Texten der Soziologie in Zweifel gezogen werden, aber eben nicht in der Form immer wiederkehrender Exegese, die zum gebetsmühlenhaften Wiederholen bereits bekannten Wissens oder zu dessen Banalisierung führen muss. Vielmehr ging es Merton darum, dass der theoretische Wissensfundus sowie die forschungspraktischen und methodischen Erfahrungen und Kenntnisse der Soziologie im Zentrum der Beschäftigung mit den Klassikern und Gründervätern der Disziplin stehen sollten.
Im Auftrag des Staates
(2011)
Folter ist ein Akt extremer kollektiver Gewalt, der im Auftrag eines Staates im Geheimen ausgeübt wird. Die Frage, was Menschen dazu bringt, anderen Menschen diese extreme Gewalt anzutun, verengt den Blick für ein Verständnis der Folter allzu schnell auf individualistische Erklärungsversuche. Der vorliegende Aufsatz geht im Gegensatz dazu von der Gruppe der Folterer aus und rückt die sozialen Beziehungen dieser Form der Vergesellschaftung und die von ihnen ausgehenden sozialen Dynamiken und Effekte in den Mittelpunkt. In einem ersten Schritt werden Georg Simmels formale Bestimmungen der geheimen Gesellschaft rekonstruiert und auf die geheime Gesellschaft der Folterer angewandt und spezifiziert; auf dieser Grundlage werden im zweiten Schritt Handlungsbedingungen der Mitglieder der geheimen Gesellschaft der Folterer herausgearbeitet; der dritte Schritt bestimmt die eigendynamischen Prozesse des Phänomens der Folter, die aus der Eskalation politischer Konflikte, der Gruppe der Folterer und der Situation der Folter erwachsen. Die These lautet, dass sich aus der Perspektive einer relationalen Soziologie ein theoretischer Zugriff auf das Problem der Folter ergibt, der weiterführende Erklärungen des Phänomens ermöglicht.
Social Closure
(2012)
“Social closure” is one of the most basic terms and concepts in sociology. Basically, closure refers to processes of drawing boundaries, constructing identities, and building communities in order to monopolize scarce resources for one’s own group, thereby excluding others from using them. Society is not a homogenous entity but is instead internally structured and subdivided by processes of social closure. Some social formations, such as groups, organizations, or institutions, may be open to everybody, provided they are capable of participation, while access to most others is limited due to certain criteria that either allow people to become members or exclude them from membership. Therefore, social closure is a ubiquitous, everyday phenomenon that can be observed in almost every sphere and place in the social world. Members of societies experience closure from the very beginning of their social life. To be excluded from certain groups starts at school, where presumably homogenous classes begin to subdivide into distinct peer groups or sports teams. Here, exclusion may be rather arbitrary, but the experience of having a door slammed in one’s face proceeds in cases, where inclusion depends on formal rules or preconditions. Access to private schools follows explicit rules and depends on financial capacities; access to university depends on a certificate or diploma, eventually from certain schools only; membership in a highly prestigious club depends on economic and social capital and the respective social networks; and finally, in the case of migration, people will have to be eligible for citizenship and pass the thorny path of naturalization. However, it is not just the enormous plurality of forms that makes social closure crucial for sociology. Rather, the process of closure of social relations—of groups, organizations, institutions, and even national societies—is the fundamental process of both “communal” (Vergemeinschaftung) and “associative” relationships (Vergesellschaftung), and neither would be possible without social closure. In this broad and fundamental sense, social closure is not restricted to processes in national societies. It even allows for understanding crucial processes of the way the social world is organized at the regional or global level.
Gewalttätige soziale und politische Auseinandersetzungen, wie sie sich jüngst in den Staaten Nordafrikas und des Nahen Ostens, in den französischen Banlieues oder in London ereignet haben, deuten darauf hin, dass die sozialen Ordnungen, in denen sie entstehen, nicht länger ungeteilt als legitim erachtet werden. Vielmehr werden sie von alternativen Ordnungsvorstellungen infrage gestellt und herausgefordert. Auf die Erklärung derartiger Ordnungskonflikte ist die Soziologie nicht gut vorbereitet. Der Aufsatz skizziert deshalb zunächst Probleme und offene Fragen einer Soziologie der Gewalt – von der klassischen Soziologie über begrifflich-konzeptionelle und theoretisch-methodologische Probleme bis hin zu problematischen modernisierungs- und zivilisationstheoretischen Annahmen über eine künftige Rolle von Gewalt in sozialen Prozessen. Eine Erklärung der genannten Phänomene, so die These, wird nur dann möglich, wenn eine Soziologie der Gewalt den konstitutiven Zusammenhang von Phänomenen physischer Gewalt und Formen sozialer Ordnung in den Mittelpunkt stellt. Eine erklärende Soziologie, die „Warum“- und „Wie“-Fragen nicht auseinanderreißt, muss sich dazu auf die sozialen Mechanismen der Gewaltentstehung in Prozessen der Produktion und Reproduktion sozialer Ordnung konzentrieren.
Robert King Merton (1910 – 2003) gilt heute längst als Klassiker der Soziologie. Er kann als der bedeutendste Soziologe der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts und als Wegbereiter einer modernen Soziologie bezeichnet werden, die das konstitutive Verhältnis von soziologischer Theorie und empirischer Forschung ins Zentrum des Interesses gerückt hat. Aufgrund seiner Beiträge zur Sozialtheorie, zur Begriffsbildung in der Soziologie und seiner vielfältigen inhaltlichen und empirischen Arbeiten spielt Merton bis heute eine bedeutende Rolle in der Soziologie als wissenschaftlicher Disziplin.
Editorial
(2013)
Das „Berliner Journal für Soziologie“ beginnt seinen 23. Jahrgang mit einem Heft zum Schwerpunktthema „Ordnung und Gewalt“. Damit geben zwei Begriffe und Konzepte die Perspektive vor, die auf die Konstitutionsproblematik von Gesellschaften verweisen. Das wechselseitige Verhältnis von sozialer Ordnung und Gewalt steht im Mittelpunkt der Beiträge. Einerseits untersuchen sie dieses Wechselverhältnis anhand unterschiedlicher Gewalt- und Ordnungsformen und ihres Zusammenspiels, andererseits thematisieren sie Gewalt sowohl als individuelles, aber gesellschaftlich gerahmtes als auch als kollektives und damit organisiertes soziales Phänomen.
Schließung, soziale
(2014)
Individualistische Ansätze können die sozialen Dynamiken terroristischen Handelns nur unzureichend erklären, da sie keine Terrorismusanalysen, sondern Analysen von Terroristen liefern. Der Aufsatz geht deshalb von Georg Simmels formaler Analyse der „Geheimen Gesellschaft“ aus und entwickelt auf dieser Grundlage eine soziologische Erklärung dafür, wie die sozialen Beziehungen innerhalb solcher Gruppierungen die Opportunitätsstrukturen ihrer Mitglieder so strukturieren, dass ein Handeln entsteht, das wir als terroristisch bezeichnen können.
Toleranz
(2015)
Perzentilband
(2015)
Variance Inflation Factor
(2015)
Cook’s Distanz
(2015)
Component-Plus-Residual Plot
(2015)
Homoskedastizität
(2015)
Added Variable Plot
(2015)
DFbeta
(2015)
Optimal Matching
(2015)
Sequenzanalyse [1]
(2015)
Regressionsdiagnostik
(2015)
Q-Q-Plot
(2015)
P-P-Plot
(2015)
Lowess
(2015)
Sunflower plot
(2015)
The Secret Society of Torturers107How do normal people become able to torture others? In order to explain this puzzling social phenomenon, we have to take secrecy – the characteristic trait of modern torture – as the lynchpin of the analysis. Following Georg Simmel’s formal analysis of the “secret society”, the contribution reconstructs structural and cultural aspects of the secret society of torturers that generate social processes that allow its members to behave extremely violently, forcing individuals to turn into torturers. The contribution argues that the form of social behaviour that we call torture is socially shaped. It goes beyond social psychology to de-velop an explanation from the perspective of relational sociology
Violence
(2015)
Bildung als Privileg
(2016)
Im Anschluss an kontroverse Diskussionen über dauerhafte Bildungsungleichheiten stellt das vorliegende Buch detailliert aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektive zentrale Ursachen für sozial ungleiche Bildungschancen in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung. Im vorliegenden Band werden daher aktueller Stand empirischer Bildungsforschung diskutiert und neue Analysen vorgelegt. Ziel ist es, in systematischer Weise soziale Mechanismen aufzuzeigen, die zur Entstehung und Reproduktion von Bildungsungleichheiten beitragen.
Bildung ist eine der wichtigsten sozialen Fragen des 21. Jahrhunderts (Mayer 2000). Sie beschränkt sich nicht auf die allgemeine Schulbildung und formelle Berufsausbildung, sondern ebenso auf die Hochschulbildung (siehe den Beitrag von Müller und Pollak in diesem Band), berufliche Weiterbildung und das kontinuierliche selbstgesteuerte Lernen (siehe den Beitrag von Offerhaus, Leschke und Schömann).
Harmonized data file as the basis for comparative analysis of quality of life in the Candidate Countries and the European Union member states, based on seven different data sets, one Eurobarometer survey covering 13 Candidate Countries with an identical set of variables conducted in April 2002, the other six Standard Eurobarometer of different subjects and fielded in different years, each with another set of questions identical with the CC Eurobarometer. Selected aggregate indicators of quality of life ... describing the social situation in the EU15 and Candidate Countries.
Datenanalyse mit Stata
(2016)
Dieses Buch bietet eine Einführung in das Datenanalysepaket Stata und ist zugleich das einzige Buch über Stata, das auch Anfängern eine ausreichende Erklärung statistischer Verfahren liefert. „Datenanalyse mit Stata' ist kein Befehls-Handbuch sondern erläutert alle Schritte einer Datenanalyse an praktischen Beispielen. Die Beispiele beziehen sich auf Themen der öffentlichen Diskussion oder der direkten Umgebung der meisten Leser. Damit eignet sich diese Buch als Einstieg in Data Analytics in allen Disziplinen.
Die neue Auflage bietet einen systematischeren Zugang zum Datenmanagement in Gegenwart von „Missing Values' und behandelt die in der Stata-Programmversion 14 implementierte Unicode-Codierung.
Was sollten Mitarbeiter in einem empirisch ausgerichteten Forschungsprojekt können, und welche Kernkompetenzen sollte die Ausbildung an den Universitäten daher vermitteln? Die Antworten auf diese Fragen hängen – wie sollte es anders sein – von der inhaltlichen Fragestellung und methodischen Ausrichtung des jeweiligen Forschungsprojektes ab. Natürlich sollten Projektmitarbeiter über Vorkenntnisse zum Forschungsthema verfügen. Natürlich sollten Kenntnisse des projektspezifischen (statistischen) Methodenarsenals vorliegen.
A strong sense of victimhood, a discourse of social suffering, and complementary bodily performances, which mobilize rancor, resentfulness, and revengefulness, are fundamental elements of Turkish-Islamist ideology. This article discusses the political dynamics and implications of such assertions of victimhood in the Turkish context. To underscore these dynamics, it analyses the role of the logic of pain in the subject formation of Turkish-Islamist identity and how this logic has been revitalized by constitutive and hegemonic social imagination, and circulated and intensified by a reactionary mood. Additionally, it aims to expose how this reactionary mood profoundly depends on contradictory subjectification processes, which simultaneously involve mobilization of feelings of impotency, non-responsibility, self-pitying, and sublimation of power. This subject formation opens the way for identification with authoritarian figures in the Turkish case.
Violence
(2017)
This article focuses on the marginal extremities – the limits – of Shari’a practices in Australia, through the example of a criminal case in which four Sydney-based Muslim men whipped a Muslim convert to punish him for his excessive consumption of drugs and alcohol. The men claimed they acted in line with the doctrines of Shari’a practice to ‘purify’ or absolve the victim of his sins. While the case was tried before a magistrate in a lower court, it is argued in this article that its social and political significance was wider, reaching into contemporary debates around multiculturalism and immigration from non-western, non-liberal and mainly Muslim nations. Mainstream media and political narratives viewed the whipping as an example of the moral dangers of accommodating Shari’a norms, eliding the differences between peaceable Shari’a and its violent extremities, while situating the case at the limits of multicultural accommodation. This article interrogates the objectionable margins of some cultural practices through this limit case. At the same time it questions the limits or limitations of a multiculturalism that homogeneously views the practices of entire ethnic or religious groups as violent and incommensurable with dominant norms, while using these understandings as a justification for marginalising these groups.
Verzerrte Beteiligung
(2018)
Die Beteiligung von Bürgern abseits der institutionell geregelten Wahlen gilt vermehrt als Allheilmittel gegen die Erosion bürgerschaftlichen Engagements. Eine Vielzahl von Autoren haben auf den Missstand aufmerksam gemacht, dass Beteiligung abseits von Wahlen nur von wenigen, oftmals privilegierten Personen genutzt wird, die Beteiligung demnach verzerrt sei. Dieser Artikel nimmt als erster sowohl die ungleiche Beteiligung als auch die Verzerrung eines konkreten Abstimmungsergebnisses in den Blick.
Für den Volksentscheid über das Bauprojekt Stuttgart 21 (S21) aus dem Jahr 2011 wird ein kontrafaktisches Wahlergebnis aller Nichtwähler geschätzt. Durch die Verknüpfung von Makro-Daten auf Gemeindeebene mit einem Vorhersagemodell auf Individualebene wird der Beteiligungs-Bias geschätzt. Dieser liegt über dem von Wahlen, jedoch niedriger als bei Petitionen und Demonstrationen. Das kontrafaktische Abstimmungsergebnis prognostiziert eine verstärkte Ablehnung von S21.
We revisit the concept of Diversified Quality Production (DQP), which we introduced about 30 years ago. Our purpose is to examine the extent to which the concept can still be considered tenable for describing and explaining the development of the interaction between the political economy and concepts of production, notably in Germany. First, we show why and in which ways DQP was more heterogeneous than we had originally understood. Then, on the basis of evidence with respect to political, business, and economic changes in Germany, we show that DQP Mark I, a regime by and large characteristic of the 1980s, turned into DQP Mark II. In the process, major ‘complementarities’ disappeared between the late 1980s and now—mainly the complementarity between production modes on the one hand and industrial relations and economic regulation on the other. While the latter exhibit greater change, business strategies and production organization show more continuity, which helps explain how Germany maintained economic performance after the mid-2000s, more than other countries in Europe. Conceptually, our most important result is that the complementarities emphasized in political economy are historically relative and limited, so that they should not be postulated as stable configurations.
Under what conditions do young precarious workers join unions? Based on case studies from France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the authors identify targeted campaigns, coalition building, membership activism, and training activities as innovative organizing approaches. In addition to traditional issues such as wages and training quality, these approaches also featured issues specific to precarious workers, including skills training, demands for minimum working hours, and specific support in insecure employment situations. Organizing success is influenced by bargaining structures, occupational identity, labor market conditions, and support by union leaders and members. Innovative organizing tends to happen when unions combine new approaches with existing structures.
The focus in this article, through a reading of the German-Australian newspaper Der Kosmopolit, is on the legacies of entangled imperial identities in the period of the nineteenth-century German Enlightenment. Attention is drawn to members of the liberal nationalist generation of 1848 who emigrated to the Australian colonies and became involved in intellectual activities there. The idea of entanglement is applied to the philosophical orientation of the German-language newspaper that this group formed, Der Kosmopolit, which was published between 1856 and 1957. Against simplistic notions that would view cosmopolitanism as the opposite of nationalism, it is argued that individuals like Gustav Droege and Carl Muecke deployed an entangled ‘cosmo-nationalism’ in ways that both advanced German nationalism and facilitated their own engagement with and investment in Australian colonial society.
Work has become more precarious in recent years. Although this claim is more or less uncontested among social scientists, there are a still many questions that have not yet been conclusively answered. What exactly constitutes precariousness? How should it be operationalized and measured? How does the character of precarious employment vary across organizations, occupations, demographic groups, and countries?
The edited volume by Arne Kalleberg and Steven Vallas seeks to provide answers to these and related questions. Sociologists from around the world employed different methodologies in a broad range of economic sectors and countries to identify the origins, manifestations, and consequences of precarious work. The different contributions not only illustrate the great heterogeneity that exists within precarious employment but also point to some central features of precarious work independent of the geographical context in which it occurs. Moreover, they highlight some challenges for the study of precarious work.
First, drawing on their earlier work, Kalleberg and Vallas conceptualize precarious employment as work that is characterized by uncertainty and insecurity with regard to pay and the stability of the work arrangement; workers in precarious jobs only have limited access to social benefits and statutory protections and bear the entrepreneurial risk of the employment relationship. This broad definition not only captures various forms of nonstandard employment, such as temporary employment, part-time work, or one-person businesses, but also covers informal workers or workers who are at risk of losing their jobs. Nonetheless, this definition does not seem to be broad enough or specific enough to fit the needs of all types of research and to appropriately capture the multifaceted nature of precarious work. Kiersztyn, for example, shows the necessity to distinguish between objective and subjective insecurities when measuring precarious work. Likewise, Rogan et al. point out that the concept of “precarious employment” has little resonance in the developing world, where most of the workforce is at or near poverty and informal work is the default employment type.
Second, the book repeatedly illustrates that the increase in precarious work can be attributed to the rise of neoliberal doctrines and practices, the deinstitutionalization of organized workers, and the dismantling of the welfare state. This applies not only to the United States, where market logics have often been equated with economic freedom, but also to countries like Germany with its corporatist tradition and a strong welfare state (Brady and Biegert) as well as to emerging economies like India (Sapkal and Sundar). In the opening chapter, Pulignano, moreover, convincingly argues that the institutional determinants of precariousness should not only be sought at the national level but that the supranational context plays a major role when it comes to explain precarity.
Third, by focusing on different aspects of precariousness and employment, the book shows the need for differentiation when studying precarious work. This is nicely illustrated by the following three chapters, which draw different conclusions on the gendered nature of precarious employment. Wallace and Kwak study the rise of “bad jobs” in U.S. metropolitan areas and show that men’s work became more precarious during the Great Financial Crisis. By contrast, Banch and Hanley, who have investigated the prevalence of different forms of nonstandard work since the 1980s in the United States, show that the risk of working in precarious jobs has declined over time for men. Likewise, Witteveen shows that the employment trajectories of young men are less precarious than those of young women in the United States. These seemingly contradictory claims stem from the fact that the authors focused on different aspects of precariousness, used different methodologies and datasets, and took on slightly different populations and time frames. The work on precarious work is hence not yet done.
Fourth, precarious work is certainly no longer a characteristic of those with low levels of education but has increasingly become common among professional and technical workers as well. It might come in disguise and is oftentimes perceived as an opportunity, a means for career advancement, and a personal choice. These disguises and perceptions are evident in chapters by Zukin and Papadantonakis on the unpaid work performed by programmers in hackathons, the chapter by Rao on young professionals in international organizations, and to some degree also the chapter by Williams on professional female workers in the oil and gas industry.
These insights (and more that are not mentioned here) make the book relevant and interesting to read. A summary chapter to synthesize the diverse findings and potentially also outline some of the methodological challenges in the study of precarious work would have had been a nice close of the book. Furthermore, such a summation would have been the place to speculate about the consequences of recent changes in the world of work, such as the rise of the gig economy and cloud or crowd work, which add new forms of precarity to the ones that we have known thus far.
Although it has primarily been written for an academic audience, the book is a highly commendable and enjoyable read for both social scientists and practitioners such as labor activists, human resources managers, and policy makers. Moreover, the book is certainly a valuable teaching resource suitable for graduate and master’s seminars in sociology due to its broad coverage of various aspects of precariousness, geographical regions, and methodological approaches.
EU-Citizenship
(2018)
Der vorliegende Artikel analysiert aus organisationssoziologischer Perspektive, warum die polizeilichen NSU-Ermittlungen auch nach jahrelang erfolglosen Untersuchungen im Bereich der Organisierten Kriminalität eine rechtsextremistische Urheberschaft der NSU-Morde ausschlossen. Um diese Frage zu beantworten, bedient sich der Artikel einer entscheidungstheoretischen Routine- und Lernperspektive. Das mit diesem theoretischen Instrumentarium verfolgte Ziel liegt in der Analyse der Lernobstruktionen der polizeilichen Ermittlungen im NSU-Komplex. Darauf aufbauend werden empirische und analytische Anschlussperspektiven aufgezeigt.
Analysis of social media using digital methods is a flourishing approach. However, the relatively easy availability of data collected via platform application programming interfaces has arguably led to the predominance of single-platform research of social media. Such research has also privileged the role of text in social media analysis, as a form of data that is more readily gathered and searchable than images. In this paper, we challenge both of these prevailing forms of social media research by outlining a methodology for visual cross-platform analysis (VCPA), defined as the study of still and moving images across two or more social media platforms. Our argument contains three steps. First, we argue that cross-platform analysis addresses a gap in research methods in that it acknowledges the interplay between a social phenomenon under investigation and the medium within which it is being researched, thus illuminating the different affordances and cultures of web platforms. Second, we build on the literature on multimodal communication and platform vernacular to provide a rationale for incorporating the visual into cross-platform analysis. Third, we reflect on an experimental cross-platform analysis of images within social media posts (n = 471,033) used to communicate climate change to advance different modes of macro- and meso-levels of analysis that are natively visual: image-text networks, image plots and composite images. We conclude by assessing the research pathways opened up by VCPA, delineating potential contributions to empirical research and theory and the potential impact on practitioners of social media communication.
Analysis of social media using digital methods is a flourishing approach. However, the relatively easy availability of data collected via platform application programming interfaces has arguably led to the predominance of single-platform research of social media. Such research has also privileged the role of text in social media analysis, as a form of data that is more readily gathered and searchable than images. In this paper, we challenge both of these prevailing forms of social media research by outlining a methodology for visual cross-platform analysis (VCPA), defined as the study of still and moving images across two or more social media platforms. Our argument contains three steps. First, we argue that cross-platform analysis addresses a gap in research methods in that it acknowledges the interplay between a social phenomenon under investigation and the medium within which it is being researched, thus illuminating the different affordances and cultures of web platforms. Second, we build on the literature on multimodal communication and platform vernacular to provide a rationale for incorporating the visual into cross-platform analysis. Third, we reflect on an experimental cross-platform analysis of images within social media posts (n = 471,033) used to communicate climate change to advance different modes of macro- and meso-levels of analysis that are natively visual: image-text networks, image plots and composite images. We conclude by assessing the research pathways opened up by VCPA, delineating potential contributions to empirical research and theory and the potential impact on practitioners of social media communication.
Das Abendland
(2019)
The religious borders of Europe, which are more evident and controversial than ever, challenge established forms of political legitimacy and the legal requirements for citizenship. Perhaps covertly rather than overtly, they shape politics and policies. While scholars have once again resorted to Edward Said’s Orientalism to describe the dynamic at play, this article argues that the Orientalism narrative of East and West is too simple to capture the actual complexity of Europe’s borders. There are four religious and thus four cultural-symbolic borders, which are increasingly defining the continent: north-western Europe is Protestant, southern Europe is Catholic, the East is Orthodox and increasingly nationalist, and the South and Near East are Muslim. The cultural purity and the values that Europe craves in search of identity and order are simply not available in a world of global interconnectedness and social diversity.
Gesundheitsbildung
(2019)
This paper compares the usability of data stemming from probability sampling with data stemming from nonprobability sampling. It develops six research scenarios that differ in their research goals and assumptions about the data generating process. It is shown that inferences from data stemming from nonprobability sampling implies demanding assumptions on the homogeneity of the units being studied. Researchers who are not willing to pose these assumptions are generally better off using data from probability sampling, regardless of the amount of nonresponse. However, even in cases when data from probability sampling is clearly advertised, data stemming from nonprobability sampling may contribute to the cumulative scientific endeavour of pinpointing a plausible interval for the parameter of interest.
This article draws on the experience from an ongoing research project employing respondent-driven sampling (RDS) to survey (illicit) 24-hour home care workers. We highlight issues around the preparatory work and the fielding of the survey to provide researchers with useful insights on how to implement RDS when surveying populations for which the method has not yet been used. We conclude the article with ethical considerations that occur when employing RDS.
Leben in der ehemaligen DDR
(2019)
Concepts and theory
(2019)
There is no threat to Western democracies today comparable to the rise of right-wing populism. While it has played an increasing role at least since the 1990s, only the social consequences of the global financial crises in 2008 have given it its break that led to UK’s ‘Brexit’ and the election of Donald Trump as US President in 2016, as well as promoting what has been called left populism in countries that were hit the hardest by both the banking crisis and consequential neo-liberal austerity politics in the EU, such as Greece and Portugal.
In 2017, the French Front National (FN) attracted many voters in the French Presidential elections; we have seen the radicalization of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany and the formation of centre-right government in Austria. Further, we have witnessed the consolidation of autocratic regimes, as in the EU member states Poland and Greece. All these manifestations of right-wing populism share a common feature: they attack or even compromise the core elements of democratic societies such as the separation of powers, protection of minorities, or the rule of law.
Despite a broad debate on the re-emergence of ‘populism’ in the transition from the twentieth to the twenty-first century that has brought forth many interesting findings, a lack of sociological reasoning cannot be denied, as sociology itself withdrew from theorising populism decades ago and largely left the field to political sciences and history. In a sense, Populism and the Crisis of Democracy considers itself a contribution to begin filling this lacuna. Written in a direct and clear style, this set of volumes will be an invaluable reference for students and scholars in the field of political theory, political sociology and European Studies.
This volume Concepts and Theory offers new and fresh perspectives on the debate on populism. Starting from complaints about the problems of conceptualising populism that in recent years have begun to revolve around themselves, the chapters offer a fundamental critique of the term and concept of populism, theoretically inspired typologies and descriptions of currently dominant concepts, and ways to elaborate on them. With regard to theory, the volume offers approaches that exceed the disciplinary horizon of political science that so far has dominated the debate. As sociological theory so far has been more or less absent in the debate on populism, only few efforts have been made to discuss populism more intensely within different theoretical contexts in order to explain its dynamics and processes. Thus, this volume offers critical views on the debate on populism from the perspectives of political economy and the analysis of critical historical events, the links of analyses of populism with social movement mobilisation, the significance of ‘superfluous populations’ in the rise of populism and an analysis of the exclusionary character of populism from the perspective of the theory of social closure.
An effective training program needs to be customized to the specific
demands of the redpective sport. Therefore, it is important to
conduct a needs analysis to gain information on the unique
characteristics of the sport. The objectives of thes review were (A)
to conduct a systematic needs analysis of karate kumite and (B) to
provide practical recommendations for sport-specific performance
testing and training of karate kumite athletes.
Übergänge im Bildungssystem sind zentrale Stationen für die Generierung von sozialer Ungleichheit. Während die Bildungswege und die Bedeutung der sozialen Ungleichheit für den Schulbereich umfangreich untersucht wurden, liegen kaum Studien zu den nachschulischen Bildungsverläufen von Hochschulzugangsberechtigten und dem Einfluss der sozialen Herkunft bis zur Aufnahme einer Promotion vor. Daher ist es das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit, die Gestaltung nachschulischer Bildungsverläufe zu untersuchen sowie die Bedeutung der sozialen Herkunft vom Abitur bis zur Promotionsaufnahme zu analysieren. Den beiden Forschungsfragen wurde in vier Teilstudien nachgegangen. In Teilstudie 1 wurde die Relevanz von Merkmalen des Bildungsverlaufes für die Promotionsaufnahme untersucht. Der Schwerpunkt der drei folgenden Teilstudien lag auf der Bedeutung der sozialen Herkunft bei Aufnahme einer Promotion beziehungsweise der sozialen Ungleichheit in den relevanten Selektionsstufen des nachschulischen Bildungsverlaufs bis zur Promotionsaufnahme. In Teilstudie 2 wurden diesbezüglich soziale Herkunftseffekte bei der für eine Promotionsaufnahme bedeutsamen Wahl der Hochschulform untersucht, in Teilstudie 3 die Mechanismen hinter sozialen Herkunftseffekten bei Promotionsaufnahme analysiert und in Teilstudie 4 wurde soziale Ungleichheit bei Studienaufnahme und Promotionsaufnahme vergleichend betrachtet. Als Datengrundlage wurde die Längsschnittstudie BIJU (Bildungsverläufe und psychosoziale Entwicklung im Jugend- und jungen Erwachsenenalter) herangezogen. Die Befunde der Dissertation verweisen auf die Relevanz sozialer Ungleichheiten vom Eintritt in die Hochschule bis zum Übergang in die Promotion. Auch wenn ein abnehmender Herkunftseffekt vom Übertritt ins Studium zum Übertritt in die Promotion vorliegt, sind soziale Herkunftseffekte bei dem späten Bildungsübergang noch sichtbar. Zudem zeigt sich die Bedeutung von Pfadabhängigkeiten in Bildungsverläufen sowie von Leistungsunterschieden für eine Promotionsaufnahme.
COP 25
(2020)
The 25th session of the Conference of the Parties (COP-25) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) became the longest COP on record - but yielded few results. It appears that four years after the adoption of the Paris Agreement, enthusiasm has waned and political bargaining and bean-counting have taken over. Countries, for even the slightest chance to keep temperatures 'well below' 2 degrees Celsius, must do much more than they have previously committed to and accelerate the shift towards a zero-carbon economy. However, the conference largely failed to heed the rallying cry of the Chilean presidency. The flagship decisions (grouped under the banner "Chile-Madrid Time for Action") neither produced new commitments - enhancing ambition or finance for developing countries - nor new rules that would nudge countries closer to the climate action targets needed. The leftover pieces from last year's negotiations of the "Paris Rulebook" were also not resolved, in particular the unfinished decisions on Article 6 on market- and non-market mechanisms. The procrastination shows that the new architecture of the Paris Agreement, while addressing several of the shortcomings of the Kyoto Protocol, suffers from its own weaknesses. The meager results of Madrid give reason to pause and reflect on the conditions that may hold countries back from fully embracing the Paris Agreement, but also to consider the future and nature of carbon markets and what is making the issue so difficult to resolve.
The volume provides a field-analytical methodology for researching knowledge based sociopolitical processes of transnationalization. Drawing on the seminal work by Pierre Bourdieu, we apply concepts of practice, habitus, and field to phenomena such as cross-national social trajectories, international procedures of evaluation, standardization and certification or supranational political structures. These transnational phenomena form part of general political struggles that legitimate social relationships in and beyond the nation state. Part 1 on "Methodological Foundations" discusses the consequences of Bourdieu's epistemology and methodology for theorizing and investigating transnational phenomena. The contributions show the import of field-theoretical concepts for post-national insights. Part 2 on "Investigating Political Fields" presents exemplary case studies in diverse research areas such as colonial imperialism, international academic rankings, European policy fields, and local school policy. While focusing on their research objects, the contributions also give an insight into the mechanisms involved in processes of transnationalization. The volume is an invitation for sociologists, political scientists and scholars in adjacent research areas to engage with reflexive and relational research practice and to further develop field-theoretical thought.
Strategy in the 21st century
(2020)
This book presents a detailed discussion of Clausewitz's principal lines of thought and methods of implementation. It elaborates on his main objective of laying a foundation for the education of up-and-coming creative, knowledgeable and experienced future leaders. The book encourages reflection and study in strategic thinking in order to transform knowledge into genuine capability.
The book explores the question of what a twenty-first-century decision-maker can learn from these strategic lines of thought. It bridges the gap between philosophical theory and strategic interaction in conflicts with an equal opponent. Readers learn to understand and employ the clash of wills, attack and defence, and friction, and in essence the necessary virtues of a strategic commander.
The findings presented help to identify the essential features in complex decision-making situations and developing possible courses of strategic action from a holistic standpoint. As such, the book is a must read for strategists, business practitioners, and scholars of political leadership and management interested in a better understanding of strategy and decision-making.
Who’s to Blame?
(2020)
The main aim of this paper is to investigate how sexist ideology distorts our conceptions of sexual violence and the hermeneutical gaps such an ideology yields. I propose that we can understand the problematic issue of hermeneutical gaps about sexual violence with the help of Fricker’s theory of hermeneutical injustice. By distinguishing between hermeneutical injustice and hermeneutical misfire, we can distinguish between the hermeneutical gap and its consequences for the victim of sexual violence and those of the perpetrator of such violence. I then argue that perpetrators are both morally responsible and accountable for their acts, even if they are the result of a hermeneutical misfire. Ultimately, I show that with regard to sexual violence, we should opt for accountability to change the behaviour of the perpetrator and the social structure. Content warning: The paper discusses sexual violence and difficulties conceptualising experiences of such violence.
Although observational studies from many countries have consistently shown that motherhood negatively affects women's wages, experimental findings on its effect on the likelihood of being hired are less conclusive. Motherhood penalties in hiring have been reported in the United States, the prototypical liberal market economy, but not in Sweden, the prototypical social-democratic welfare state. Based on a field experiment in Germany, this study examines the effects of parenthood on hiring processes in the prototypical conservative welfare state. My findings indicate that job recruitment processes indeed penalize women but not men for having children. In addition to providing theoretical explanations for why motherhood penalties in hiring are particularly likely to occur in the German context, this study also highlights several methodological and practical issues that should be considered when conducting correspondence studies to examine labour market discrimination.
Since COVID-19 became a pandemic, many studies are being conducted to get a better understanding of the disease itself and its spread. One crucial indicator is the prevalence of SARS-CoV-2 infections. Since this measure is an important foundation for political decisions, its estimate must be reliable and unbiased. This paper presents reasons for biases in prevalence estimates due to unit nonresponse in typical studies. Since it is difficult to avoid bias in situations with mostly unknown nonresponse mechanisms, we propose the maximum amount of bias as one measure to assess the uncertainty due to nonresponse. An interactive web application is presented that calculates the limits of such a conservative unit nonresponse confidence interval (CUNCI).
Der Potsdam Grievance Statistics File (PGSF) ist eine historische Datensammlung von Beschwerden, sog. Eingaben, die in der DDR von deren Bürgern eingereicht wurden. Die Eingaben wurden schriftlich oder mündlich gestellt und waren an staatliche Institutionen gerichtet. Der Staat zählte diese Eingaben und kategorisierte sie in Eingabenstatistiken.
Der PGSF enthält Eingabenstatistiken des Zeitraums 1970–1989 einer Wahrscheinlichkeitsstichprobe von im Jahr 1990 existierenden Kreisen. Zusätzlich finden sich Eingabenstatistiken eines Convenience-Samples von Kreisen aus dem Zeitraum 1970–1989.
Der Potsdam Grievance Statistics File (PGSF) ist eine historische Datensammlung von Beschwerden, sog. Eingaben, die in der DDR von deren Bürgern eingereicht wurden. Die Eingaben wurden schriftlich oder mündlich gestellt und waren an staatliche Institutionen gerichtet. Der Staat zählte diese Eingaben und kategorisierte sie in Eingabenstatistiken.
Der PGSF enthält Eingabenstatistiken des Zeitraums 1970–1989 einer Wahrscheinlichkeitsstichprobe von im Jahr 1990 existierenden Kreisen. Zusätzlich finden sich Eingabenstatistiken eines Convenience-Samples von Kreisen aus dem Zeitraum 1970–1989.
Leben in der ehemaligen DDR
(2020)
Introduction
(2020)
The processes of neo-liberalisation, coined as ‘actually existing neo-liberalism’ are by their very nature variegated and context-specific and can appear in multi-faceted and contradictory forms. Consequentially, sociological reflection has tried to conceptualise ongoing processes of transforming the city under the concept of urban neo-liberalism which is generally understood as the contextually specific and path-dependent realisation of neo-liberal restructuration projects, embedded in varying social, political, economic, and cultural ‘regulatory landscapes’. As much as neo-liberalism as ideology and political programme aims at erasing any democratic participation in society, its proponents have taken sides pushing ahead the re-conceptualisation of the city as a market with the right of the stronger ‘to do down the weaker’. The city has become a focal point for neo-liberalism’s war against democracy and citizens. Turning social relations into market transactions in order to restructure cities is not a new idea from the neo-liberals but one of the non-negotiable dogmas of their religion called science.
Vast racial inequalities continue to prevail across the United States and are closely linked to economic resources. One particularly prominent argument contends that childhood wealth accounts for black–white (BW) disadvantages in life chances. This article analyzes how much childhood wealth and childhood income mediate BW disadvantages in adult life chances with Panel Study of Income Dynamics and Cross-National Equivalent File data on children from the 1980s and 1990s who were 30+ years old in 2015. Compared with previous research, we exploit longer panel data, more comprehensively assess adult life chances with 18 outcomes, and measure income and wealth more rigorously. We find large BW disadvantages in most outcomes. Childhood wealth and income mediate a substantial share of most BW disadvantages, although there are several significant BW disadvantages even after adjusting for childhood wealth and income. The evidence mostly contradicts the prominent claim that childhood wealth is more important than childhood income. Indeed, the analyses mostly show that childhood income explains more of BW disadvantages and has larger standardized coefficients than childhood wealth. We also show how limitations in prior wealth research explain why our conclusions differ. Replication with the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth and a variety of robustness checks support these conclusions.
Peer groups are critical socialization agents for the development of social behavior in adolescence, but studies examining peer-group effects on individuals' prosocial behavior are scarce. Using a two-wave, multilevel data set (N = 16,893, 8481 male; 8412 female; mean age at Time 1: 14.0 years) from 1308 classes in 252 secondary schools in Germany, main effects of the classroom level of prosocial behavior, cross-level interactions between the classroom and the individual levels of prosocial behavior at Time 1, and the moderating role of gender were examined. The results showed that adolescents in classrooms with high collective levels of prosocial behavior at Time 1 reported more prosocial behavior at Time 2, about two years later, reflecting a class-level main effect. A significant cross-level interaction indicated that a high classroom level of prosocial behavior particularly affected individuals with lower levels of prosocial behavior at Time 1. The influence of same-gender peers was larger compared with opposite-gender peers. The findings are discussed with respect to social learning mechanisms in the development of prosocial behavior and their implications for interventions to promote prosocial behavior.
How can labour market institutions make workers confident about their economic future? While quantitative studies have repeatedly shown that countries’ labour market regulations and policies are related to variations in workers’ perceived job security, these studies did not explain how these institutions affect workers’ perceptions and expectations. This study seeks to close this gap by analysing qualitative interview data collected on employees in Germany and the U.S. during the great financial crisis (2009–2010). The study's main finding is that policies vary in their effectiveness at making workers feel secure about their jobs. While unemployment assistance can reduce workers’ worries about job loss, dismissal protection does not seem to effectively increase workers’ confidence that their jobs are secure. Overall, employees know relatively little about the policies and regulations that are meant to protect them and have limited trust in their effectiveness. Individual and organisational characteristics seem to be more relevant for employees’ feelings of job security than national-level policies. In particular, comparisons with others who have lower levels of protection increase workers’ perceived security. These insights are particularly important in light of the ongoing changes in the world of work that are making workers’ lives more uncertain and insecure.
Ein wesentlicher Grund für den fortdauernden wirtschaftlichen Rückstand Ostdeutschlands, im Vergleich zu Westdeutschland, liegt am geringeren Gewicht technologieintensiver Branchen und, damit zusammenhängend, an fehlenden regionalen Wachstumszentren („Clustern“). Die Économie des conventions (EC), ein wirtschaftswissenschaftliches und wirtschaftssoziologisches Paradigma, das in Frankreich in den 80er Jahren entstanden ist, ermöglicht die Analyse von Unternehmen und Märkten und wurde für die vorliegende Dissertation verwendet, um unterschiedliche „Qualitätskonventionen“ in einer vergleichenden Analyse in der west- und ostdeutschen Maschinenbaubranche zu identifizieren. Anhand von Studien des Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung in Halle (IWH), der Baden-Württembergischen Landesregierung und des Verbandes des Deutschen Maschinen- und Anlagenbaus e. V. (VDMA) wurde das Feld auf fünf ostdeutsche und acht baden-württembergische Raumordungsregionen eingegrenzt und ein qualitativer Stichprobenplan entwickelt. Empirisch wurden 21 leitfadengestützte Experteninterviews mit Geschäftsführern der Maschinen- und Anlagenbaubranche durchgeführt, die mit der Qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse methodisch ausgewertet und dann mit Bezug zur EC zu Idealtypen verdichtet wurden.
Im Ost-West-Vergleich zeigte sich, dass für ostdeutsche Unternehmen eine Entwicklung hin zum Systemanbieter, die Projekte koordinieren (Netzwerkkonvention), um damit auf (internationalen) Märkten höhere Preise durchzusetzen (Marktkonvention), am vielversprechendsten ist. Damit einher geht der Aufbau und die Aufrechterhaltung von Netzwerken (Netzwerkkonvention), die Herausforderung besteht aber darin, auch mit Wettbewerbern (Marktkonvention) vertrauensvoll zusammen zu arbeiten. Des Weiteren zeigte sich, dass bei öffentlich geförderten Verbundprojekten („Clusterpolitik“) die Marktkonvention ebenfalls nicht dominant sein darf bzw. sie zumindest Kompromisse mit anderen Konventionen eingehen muss, damit diese Netzwerke nicht nach Ende der Förderperiode auseinander fallen. Diese Befunde decken sich mit Arbeiten aus der Wirtschaftsgeographie und verwandter Fächer, bei denen gezeigt wurde, dass erst ein Gebilde aus spezifischen regionale Institutionen technologisches Lernen ermöglicht bzw. dass insbesondere die gleichzeitige Ausprägung von Konkurrenz- und Kooperationsprinzipien („Coopetition“) auf der gleichen Wertschöpfungsstufe, es Unternehmen ermöglicht, neue wettbewerbsfähige Produkte auf den Markt zu bringen. Eine theoretisch fundierte Clusterpolitik sollte daher nicht nur Vernetzungsaktivitäten (Netzwerkkonvention), sondern auch den Wettbewerb (Marktkonvention) im Cluster mit fördern. Im Fazit wurden dann die Instrumente, die in der Literatur genannt werden, um vorhandene Clusterstrukturen weiter zu entwickeln, mit der rekonstruierten Typologie der Qualitätskonventionen verknüpft.
League of Legends
(2020)
Drawing on three waves of survey data from a non-probability sample from Germany, this paper examines two opposing expectations about the pandemic's impacts on gender equality: The optimistic view suggests that gender equality has increased, as essential workers in Germany have been predominantly female and as fathers have had more time for childcare. The pessimistic view posits that lockdowns have also negatively affected women's jobs and that mothers had to shoulder the additional care responsibilities. Overall, our exploratory analyses provide more evidence supporting the latter view. Parents were more likely than non-parents to work fewer hours during the pandemic than before, and mothers were more likely than fathers to work fewer hours once lockdowns were lifted. Moreover, even though parents tended to divide childcare more evenly, at least temporarily, mothers still shouldered more childcare work than fathers. The division of housework remained largely unchanged. It is therefore unsurprising that women, in particular mothers, reported lower satisfaction during the observation period. Essential workers experienced fewer changes in their working lives than respondents in other occupations.
Schließung, soziale
(2020)
In Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft führt Weber das Konzept »offener« und »geschlossener« sozialer Beziehungen (s. Kap. II.4) als § 10 der Soziologischen Grundbegriffe systematisch nach der Unterscheidung von »Vergemeinschaftung « und »Vergesellschaftung« (WuG, 21 § 9) ein. Während das soziale Handeln (s. Kap. II.16) bei der ersten dieser beiden Formen sozialer Beziehungen auf affektuell oder traditional begründeter Zusammengehörigkeit von Individuen beruht, gründet es bei der zweiten auf der wert- oder zweckrationalen Orientierung ihres Handelns. Trotz dieser wichtigen, anhand seiner Handlungstypen getroffenen Unterscheidung, macht Weber dann allerdings zugleich deutlich, dass im Hinblick auf Prozesse sozialer Schließung kein Unterschied darin besteht, ob es sich um subjektiv gefühlte oder rational motivierte Zusammengehörigkeiten dreht. Vielmehr gilt jegliche soziale Beziehung nach außen hin als »offen«, »wenn und insoweit die Teilnahme an dem an ihrem Sinngehalt orientierten gegenseitigen Handeln, welches sie konstituiert, nach ihren geltenden Ordnungen niemand verwehrt wird, der dazu tatsächlich in der Lage und geneigt ist« (ebd., 23).
Through qualitative research conducted in the bazaars of Bishkek, this paper examines the posited tripartite relationship between the free market, micro-finance and women's empowerment by focusing on how loans from micro-finance institutions in Bishkek influence the lives of female loanees. The neo-liberal conception of 'individual autonomy' and 'empowerment', it is argued, may not adequately serve as indicators of actual female empowerment/disempowerment in Bishkek and lead us to fail to recognize moments of self-exploitation and forms of claim-making. The research also underlines the disempowering effects of the affectional burden, that is, the constant sense of anxiety, that the loanees have to manage in order to survive in the neo-liberal business environment, which offers high interest rate loans and exposes the loanees to over-indebtedness. These effects can be followed through the analysis of the role the desire for stability and 'ontological security' plays in the formation of the identities/world views of the loanees.
Den Boden putzen, das Bett abziehen, einen Blumenstrauß arrangieren – Bemühungen um Sauberkeit sowie eine angenehme Raumatmosphäre obliegen im Krankenhaus meist weiblichen* Pflegerinnen, Reinigungskräften und Hauswirtschafterinnen. Im Klinikalltag vermischen sich Anforderungen an hygienische Sauberkeit unter Prozessen der Ökonomisierung mit Logiken des Marketings sowie mit affektiv-emotionalen Bedürfnissen der Akteur_innen dieser Räume. Obwohl die Maßstäbe klinischer Hygiene auf medizinischem Wissen basieren, sind die Arbeitsteilung sowie Ansprüche an Sauberkeit auf verschiedenen Hierarchieebenen zugleich von vergeschlechtlichten und teils rassifizierten Vorstellungen durchdrungen, die über den klinischen Kontext hinausweisen. Dies legt schon eine Beschäftigung mit der Geschichte der Bakteriologie nahe: Die Logik und Sprache der Infektionsabwehr ist in Wissenschaft und Alltag auch verwoben mit sozialen Differenzmarkierungen.
Unter Rückgriff auf die Ergebnisse einer Ethnografie zu Sauberkeit und Reinigungsarbeiten im Krankenhaus, die wissensgeschichtlich fundiert werden, wird in dem Beitrag die Frage nach der (feminisierten) Sorge für die Umwelt mit der Frage nach der Atmosphäre klinischer Räume verknüpft. Auf welche Weise und mit welchen Effekten verschränken sich wissenschaftlich-medizinisches Hygienewissen mit einem alltäglichen, jedoch historisierbaren Wissen über schöne und angenehme Sauberkeit, das immer noch weiblich konnotiert ist?
Feminismus - das ist nicht nur für Männer, sondern auch für einige Frauen immer noch ein bedrohliches Wort, selbst oder gerade in Zeiten von #MeToo. Liegt das daran, dass viele gar nicht wissen, was Feminismus ist und worauf er hinarbeitet? Gibt es den einen Feminismus? Was hat Feminismus eigentlich mit Sexismus zu tun? Und was mit unseren Beziehungen? Offener Frauenhass ist in unserer Gesellschaft mittlerweile weitgehend geächtet. Aber auch nach über fünfzehn Jahren mit einer Frau an der Regierungsspitze sind wir noch längst nicht in der Gleichberechtigung angekommen. Im Gegenteil: Weiterhin strukturiert Sexismus geschlechtsspezifische Alltagserfahrungen, bis hinein in unsere Intimbeziehungen, wo die Grenzen zwischen Lust und sexueller Gewalt schnell verschwimmen. Die Philosophin und Schriftstellerin Hilkje Hänel deckt die Mechanismen sexueller Objektifizierung und männlichen Anspruchsdenkens auf. Sie zeigt, wie Frauen oft in die sexistischen Alltagsstrukturen verstrickt sind, an denen auch viele Männer leiden. Ihr zugängliches Buch ist das Plädoyer für einen Feminismus, von dem alle etwas haben - und vor dem niemand Angst haben muss.
Two decades ago, Tarana Burke started using the phrase ‘me too’ to release victims of sexual abuse and rape from their shame and to empower girls from minority communities. In 2017, actress Alyssa Milano made the hashtag #MeToo go viral. This article’s concern is with the role of testimonial practices in the context of sexual violence. While many feminists have claimed that the word of those who claim to being sexually violated by others (should) have political and/or epistemic priority, others have failed to recognize the harm and injury of instances of sexual violence that are not yet acknowledged as such and failed to listen to victims from marginalized social groups. In fact, some feminists have attacked #MeToo for mingling accounts of ‘proper’ sexual violence and accounts that are not ‘proper’ experiences of sexual violence. My aim in this article is to show why this critique is problematic and find a philosophically fruitful way to understand the #MeToo-movement as a movement that strives for moral and conceptual progress.
Introduction
(2021)
In recent years, all over the globe we have seen intensifying economic exploitation, political disenfranchisement, social marginalization and cultural repression in all kinds of political regimes, from liberal democratic to authoritarian and dictatorial. Although the strategies vary with regard to regime and context, in all of them we observe that while a growing number of social groups are speaking out and rising against them, a presumably much higher number of groups do not. In this article, I argue that all these processes can be conceived as aspects of ongoing closure struggles in social life. However, in order to understand why some social groups are able to fight against closure strategies while others are not, closure theory in its current state of elaboration is not of any help. While it operates with the term solidarization, it does not offer any explanation of how such acting in solidarity may become possible in closure struggles. The article is a mainly theoretical contribution of how to solve this problem.
This article examines how contact with perceived foreigners affects natives' attitudes towards immigration. Using six waves of individual level panel data from Germany (2007-2017), we find that natives' reported mutual visits with foreigners reduce worries about immigration. However, the results do not imply an increase in this effect in the course of repeated contact. Our analyses also consider the possibility that the effect of out-group contact on attitudes is heterogeneous across social groups. Our results show that contact effects are not restricted to younger age groups but also hold for older age groups. Surprisingly, there are stronger reductions in worries among right-leaning compared to left-leaning individuals.
Existing theories of aging suggest that there may be similarities and differences in how COVID-19 impacts older people’s psychosocial adaptation compared to younger age groups, particularly middle-aged individuals. To assess the degree to which these impacts vary, we analyzed data from 3098 participants between the ages of 40 and 79 from an online survey in Germany. Data were collected at three measurement occasions between the start of the nationwide lockdown in mid-March 2020 and the end of the lockdown in early August 2020. The survey focused on everyday experiences during the COVID-19 crisis and collected various satisfaction ratings (e.g., general life satisfaction, satisfaction with family life, satisfaction with social contacts). At baseline, participants also provided retrospective ratings of satisfaction for the period before the COVID-19 crisis. In our analyses, we compared satisfaction ratings of middle-aged (40–64 years) and older individuals (65–79 years) and found that both middle-aged and older participants experienced the greatest decreases in satisfaction with social contacts, with more pronounced decreases seen in middle-aged participants. A similar pattern was observed for general life satisfaction, but the overall decreases were less pronounced in both groups compared to the decreases in satisfaction with social contacts. We also observed a partial recovery effect in all measures at the last measurement occasion, and this effect was more pronounced in older adults. Findings were also confirmed using age as a continuous variable and checking for linear and nonlinear effects of outcomes across the age range. Although ageism arose during the pandemic in the sense that older adults were labeled as a “risk group,” particularly at the start of the outbreak, we found consistently with other studies that middle-aged adults’ satisfaction decreased to a greater extent than that of older adults.
In times of educational expansion, privileged families are looking for new strategies of distinction. Referring to Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of distinction, we argue that choosing Latin at school – a language that is no longer spoken and therefore has no direct value – is one of the strategies of privileged families to set themselves apart from less privileged families. Based on two surveys we conducted at German schools, the paper analyzes the relationship between parents’ educational background and the probability that their child will learn Latin. Results indicate that historically academic families have the strongest tendency towards learning Latin, followed by new academic families, and leaving behind the non-academic families. We distinguish between four causal mechanisms that might help to explain these associations: cultural distinction, selecting a socially exclusive learning environment, beliefs in a secondary instrumental function of learning Latin, and spatial proximity between the location of humanist Gymnasiums and the residential areas of privileged families. The hypotheses are formalized by means of Directed Acyclic Graphs (DAG). Findings show that the decision to learn Latin is predominately an unintended consequence of the selection of a socially exclusive learning environment. In addition, there is evidence that especially children from historically academic families learn Latin as a strategy of cultural distinction.
Einleitung
(2021)
Wie hat sich die COVID-19 Pandemie auf geschlechtsspezifische Ungleichheiten im Arbeitsleben und dem subjektiven Wohlbefinden Erwerbstätiger ausgewirkt? Zur Beantwortung dieser Frage analysiert dieser Beitrag drei Wellen einer nicht zufallsbasierten Onlinestichprobe für den Zeitraum Mitte März bis Anfang August 2020 und umfassen damit den Zeitraum des ersten Lockdowns. Die Ergebnisse unserer multivariaten Analysen zeigen: Frauen, Eltern und insbesondere Mütter waren überdurchschnittlich von Arbeitszeitreduzierungen betroffen. Bei der Wahrscheinlichkeit im Homeoffice zu arbeiten gab es nur geringfügige Unterschiede nach Geschlecht und Familiensituation. Die Zufriedenheit mit der Arbeit, dem Familienleben und dem Leben insgesamt ging bei Frauen, Eltern und insbesondere Müttern überproportional stark zurück. Die beobachteten Unterschiede verringern sich gegen Ende des Lockdowns wieder, jedoch unterschiedlich stark für die einzelnen Ergebnisdimensionen.
Im Rahmen eines einjährigen Entwicklungsprozesses wurde das Fragebogenmodul "Einstellungen zu sozialer Ungleichheit" unter der Leitung der Infrastruktureinrichtung SOEP entwickelt und in der 38. Welle der Haupterhebung des Sozio-oekonomischen Panels erstmalig erhoben. Das finale Fragebogenmodul umfasst 43 Items zu den Themenbereichen Soziale Vergleiche, Soziale Mobilität, Sozialstaat und Nicht-materielle Ungleichheit. In der Tradition des SOEP als forschungsbasierte Infrastruktureinrichtung erfolgte die Fragebogenentwicklung in enger Zusammenarbeit mit externen Forschenden aus dem Bereich der Einstellungs- und Ungleichheitsforschung. Neben der etablierten Nutzung des SOEP Innovation Samples (SOEP-IS) für quantitative Pretests neu entwickelter Fragen kam erstmals ein kognitiver Pretest zum Einsatz. Der vorliegende Bericht dokumentiert den Entwicklungsprozess von der Konzeption bis zum finalen Fragebogen.
Rassenbürgerkrieg
(2021)
Social theory has long predicted that social mobility, in particular downward social mobility, is detrimental to the well-being of individuals. Dissociative and “falling from grace” theories suggest that mobility is stressful due to the weakening of social ties, feelings of alienation, and loss of status. In light of these theories, it is a puzzle that the majority of quantitative studies in this area have shown null results. Our approach to resolve the puzzle is two-fold. First, we argue for a broader conception of the mobility process than is often used and thus focus on intragenerational occupational class mobility rather than restricting ourselves to the more commonly studied intergenerational mobility. Second, we argue that self-reported measures may be biased by habituation (or “entrenched deprivation”). Using nurse-collected health and biomarker data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2010–2012, N = 4,123), we derive a measure of allostatic load as an objective gauge of physiological “wear and tear” and compare patterns of mobility effects with self-reports of health using diagonal reference models. Our findings indicate a strong class gradient in both allostatic load and self-rated health, and that both first and current job matter for current well-being outcomes. However, in terms of the effects of mobility itself, we find that intragenerational social mobility is consequential for allostatic load, but not for self-rated health. Downward mobility is detrimental and upward mobility beneficial for well-being as assessed by allostatic load. Thus, these findings do not support the idea of generalized stress from dissociation, but they do support the “falling from grace” hypothesis of negative downward mobility effects. Our findings have a further implication, namely that the differences in mobility effects between the objective and subjective outcome infer the presence of entrenched deprivation. Null results in studies of self-rated outcomes may therefore be a methodological artifact, rather than an outright rejection of decades-old social theory.
Neuroleadership
(2022)
Wie können notwendige Systemwechsel „gemanaged“ werden, wenn die etablierten Führungsansätze an heutigen Entwicklungen vorbeigehen? Das Buch beschäftigt sich mit dem Ansatz des Neuroleadership, der einen Beitrag leisten kann, Führungskonzepte weiterzuentwickeln.
Dieser neue Ansatz erweitert die bisherigen Konzepte durch die Verknüpfung von Neurosciences, Leadershiptheorie und Systemtheorie. Leadership wird dabei vor allem als beratende und unterstützende Funktion gesehen, für die Kompetenzen im hybriden systemischen Neurocoaching benötigt werden. Ein spezieller Fokus liegt auf den Einflüssen durch Digitalisierung, Intuitive, Künstliche und Web-Intelligenz.
Objective: This article analyzed gender differences in professional advancement following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic based on data from open-source software developers in 37 countries. Background: Men and women may have been affected differently from the social distancing measures implemented to contain the Covid-19 pandemic. Given that men and women tend to work in different jobs and that they have been unequally involved in childcare duties, school and workplace closings may have impacted men's and women's professional lives unequally. Method: We analyzed original data from the world's largest social coding community, GitHub. We first estimated a Holt-Winters forecast model to compare the predicted and the observed average weekly productivity of a random sample of male and female developers (N=177,480) during the first lockdown period in 2020. To explain the crosscountry variation in the gendered effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on software developers' productivity, we estimated two-way fixed effects models with different lockdown measures as predictors - school and workplace closures, in particular. Results: In most countries, both male and female developers were, on average, more productive than predicted, and productivity increased for both genders with increasing lockdown stringency. When examining the effects of the most relevant types of lockdown measures separately, we found that stay-at-home restrictions increased both men's and women's productivity and that workplace closures also increased the number of weekly contributions on average - but for women, only when schools were open. Conclusion: Having found gender differences in the effect of workplace closures contingent on school and daycare closures within a population that is relatively young and unlikely to have children (software developers), we conclude that the Covid-19 pandemic may indeed have contributed to increased gender inequalities in professional advancement.
In diesem Beitrag wird der Versuch unternommen, anhand des Konzepts der Diffraktion die (neomaterialistischen) Arbeiten Donna Haraways und Karen Barads mit bestimmten Ansätzen der Black Studies in Kontakt zu bringen. Im Mittelpunkt stehen hier Texte von Saidiya Hartman und Christina Sharpe, die auf dem afterlife of slavery und der Grundlegung modernen Wissens und moderner Politik als antiblackness insistieren. Angestrebt ist ein nicht-integratives, wechselseitiges Beachten divergenter (Theorie-)Praktiken, um partielle Kollaborationen zu ermöglichen.
Studies from several countries suggest that COVID-19 vaccination rates are lower among migrants compared to the general population. Urgent calls have been made to improve vaccine outreach to migrants, however, there is limited evidence on effective approaches, especially using social media. We assessed a targeted, low-cost, Facebook campaign disseminating COVID-19 vaccine information among Arabic, Turkish and Russian speakers in Germany (N = 888,994). As part of the campaign, we conducted two randomized, online experiments to assess the impact of the advertisement (1) language and (2) depicted messenger (government authority, religious leader, doctor or family). Key outcomes included reach, click-through rates, conversion rates and cost-effectiveness. Within 29 days, the campaign reached 890 thousand Facebook users. On average, 2.3 individuals accessed the advertised COVID-19 vaccination appointment tool for every euro spent on the campaign. Migrants were 2.4 (Arabic), 1.8 (Russian) and 1.2 (Turkish) times more likely to click on advertisements translated to their native language compared to German-language advertisements. Furthermore, findings showed that government representatives can be more successful in engaging migrants online compared to other messengers, despite common claims of lower trust in government institutions among migrants. This study highlights the potential of tailored, and translated, vaccination campaigns on social media for reaching migrants who may be left out by traditional media campaigns.