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Institut
- Philosophische Fakultät (319) (entfernen)
This article discusses how Alex Garland’s The Beach (1996) engages with conceptions of utopian islands, nation, and colonialism in modernity and how it, from this basis, develops a different spatiality that reflects on a more deterritorialized form of imperial domination within late twentieth-century globalization, as exercised by the United States. The novel is shown to subvert, but not to abolish, two spatial formations that originated in early modernity: nation and utopia. Building on Jean Baudrillard’s elaborations regarding simulation and simulacra, the article argues that The Beach creates a hyperreal narrative that does away with the idea of isolated, bounded spaces and that in form and content corresponds with the worldwide dominance of the United States at the end of the twentieth century.
Alien Horrors
(2022)
H. P. Lovecraft’s oeuvre abounds with stereotypes of the racialized poor. As scholars have noted, Lovecraft’s work turns those he viewed as ‘Others’ into ‘aliens.’ Poor people of color (as opposed to the orderly White rural population and White working class) in Lovecraft’s stories are foreign, diseased, and criminal, and they threaten social and cosmic orders as they are in league with a nebulous entity that waits to wreak indescribable havoc. This chapter analyzes three ‘Lovecraftian’ novels published in 2016 - Cassandra Khaw’s Hammers on Bone,Victor LaValle’s The Ballad of Black Tom, and Matt Ruff’s Lovecraft Country. These works elucidate the connection of Trump’s 2016 rhetoric in campaign and presidential speeches and the White supremacist imagery used by Lovecraft. In these novels, the racialized poor have a special connection to an astronomical, evil entity à la Lovecraft. As carriers of numinous genes or parasitic entities (literally having ‘an alien within’) they become empowered. They thus occupy a pivotal position in forestalling or bringing about the destruction of societal order; that is, of White supremacy. Exploring the alleged risk posed by this ‘underclass,’ these works seem to foretell current representations of protesters as ‘riotous mobs’ that threaten the body politic Trump sought to make great (and White) again.
Francesca Y. Albertini (1974-2011) compares Maimonides' idea of peace, as developed in MT Sefer shofetim (Book of Judges), with Kant's work on the notion of "eternal peace" (Zum ewigen Frieden). Both authors develop a historical vision pointed against the use of force and war in light of a framework not limited by historical time (messianic age, eternity). Despite all differences in method and historical context, the authors agree on the notion that universal ethics provides the basis of a determination of right grounded in the will. Maimonides' universal messianism as well as Kant's universal history emphasize the pivotal role and decisive responsibility of the human being in realizing, through reason, the reign of peace and prosperity on earth first envisioned by the biblical prophets. These utopias continue to challenge us, especially in this day and age.
Märkische Dialekte
(2021)
Von der Ausnahmesituation der Intellektuellen : ostdeutsche Diskurse und die Weimarer Republik
(1996)
Krisendiagnose und Katastrophenerfahrung : Philosophie und Geschichte in der Zwischenkriegszeit
(1997)
Zum Subjekt emanzipatorischer Projekte : die Aufklärung als geschichtsphilosophisches Konzept
(1998)
Variationen zum Verhältnis von Geist und Macht : ostdeutsche Diskurse und die Weimarer Republik
(1996)
Moderne/Postmoderne
(1997)
Historische Theorie
(1997)
Geschichte
(1997)
Frühschriften
(1999)
Deutschland als "verspätete Nation" (Helmuth Plessner) : Bismarck und der Nationalsozialismus
(1999)
Tolerante Hohenzollern?
(2021)
Kirchliche Zeitgeschichte
(2021)
Affect Disposition(ing)
(2018)
The “affective turn” has been primarily concerned not with what affect is, but what it does. This article focuses on yet another shift towards how affect gets organized, i.e., how it is produced, classified, and controlled. It proposes a genealogical as well as a critical approach to the organization of affect and distinguishes between several “affect disposition(ing) regimes”—meaning paradigms of how to interpret and manage affects, for e.g., encoding them as byproducts of demonic possession, judging them in reference to a moralistic framework, or subsuming them under an industrial regime. Bernard Stiegler’s concept of psychopower will be engaged at one point and expanded to include social media and affective technologies, especially Affective Computing. Finally, the industrialization and cybernetization of affect will be contrasted with poststructuralist interpretations of affects as events.
Grussworte
(2007)
Public Character
(2021)
Unternehmenskultur - ein Kulturunternehmen? : Kultur, Werte und Selbstorganisation in Unternehmen
(1996)
Gespensterbeschwörung?
(1996)
Kompetenz und kein Ende?
(1996)
Editorial
(2009)
In 'Beyond the Myth of the Myth: A Kantian Theory of Non-Conceptual Content', Robert Hanna argues for a very strong kind of non-conceptualism, and claims that this kind of non-conceptualism originally has been developed by Kant. But according to 'Kant's Non-Conceptualism, Rogue Objects and the Gap in the B Deduction', Kant's non-conceptualism poses a serious problem for his argument for the objective validity of the categories, namely the problem that there is a gap in the B Deduction. This gap is that the B Deduction goes through only if conceptualism is true, but Kant is a non-conceptualist. In this paper, I will argue, contrary to what Hanna claims, that there is not a gap in the B Deduction.
Die Tierflüsterer
(2020)
Id est figura corporis mei
(2021)
Kant und die Farben
(2007)
Anthropologie bei Heidegger : über das Verhältnis seines Denkens zur philosophischen Tradition
(1998)
Les représentants du relativisme linguistique du XXème siècle qui se réclament de l’histoire de leur théorie mentionnent normalement Guillaume de Humboldt comme initiateur de l’idée que la manière particulière de penser d’un peuple dépendrait de sa langue. La théorie de Humboldt s’avère, cependant, difficilement maniable dans la recherche linguistique. Malgré une similitude évidente dans certaines positions, comme par exemple les concepts d’‘articulation’ et de ‘valeur’, le renouvellement de la linguistique sur une base saussurienne, au début du XXème siècle, se passait des idées de Humboldt. Il n’y avait que quelques philologues ‘idéalistes’ qui poursuivaient ce type de recherche. Ainsi, Karl Vossler constatait un parallélisme entre la langue et la culture et les considérait comme résultats de la création humaine. Le mécontentement quant à la description des langues selon le paradigme positiviste des néogrammairiens s’articulait nettement.
Le concept d’une vision linguistique du monde fut développé dans la théorie des néohumboldtiens (Weisgerber, Trier et autres) qui affirmaient que l’individu s’approprie le monde à travers la langue. Des différences entre des langues influeraient considérablement sur les facultés cognitives des hommes et sur leur comportement. L’idée humboldtienne de l’energeia se trouvait exclue de ces théories qui aspiraient à un renouvellement de la langue maternelle dans le sens d’une ‘grammaire à partir du contenu’ (inhaltbezogene Grammatik). Ce type de réflexion linguistique se prêtait aussi à une utilisation politique sous le national-socialisme. La théorie de Weisgerber, déclarée comme antiraciste et anti-national-socialiste par l’auteur lui-même, fut considérée comme « mother-tongue fascism » par Christopher Hutton. La relation entre le relativisme linguistique et la doctrine nationale-socialiste est évidente dans les écrits de plusieurs auteurs, par exemple dans « notre langue maternelle comme arme et instrument de la pensée allemande » de Georg Schmidt-Rohr. Il y eut des implications racistes de la théorie de quelques indo-germanistes bien avant 1933.
L’influence des néohumboldtiens s’est poursuivie jusqu’aux années 60, époque où ils durent faire place à des linguistes structuralistes et générativistes. On trouve dans quelques vérifications plus récentes du relativisme linguistique des références à des textes antérieurs à Humboldt. Par exemple, Gumperz et Levison (1996) citent le concours de l’Académie de Berlin sur la question suivante : Quelle est l'influence réciproque des opinions du peuple sur le langage et du langage sur les opinions? Est-ce que cet élargissement de l’horizon de rétrospection a quelque chose à voir avec la conscience d’une portée sociale possible de cette théorie ?
The objective of the present paper is to explore the potentials and challenges inherent in con- ceptualizations of global citizenship education (GCE) in the context of foreign language edu- cation. Specifically, we argue for a critical approach to GCE that emphasizes the significance of language as symbolic power by drawing on the concepts of critical literacy (e.g., Freire 1983; Janks 2014) and symbolic competence (Kramsch 2006; 2011; 2021). To illustrate the necessity of such a critical approach to GCE, we critically analyze teaching materials designed for the English language classroom as provided by the curriculum framework (KMK/ BMZ 2016). The analysis reveals how reliance on dominant Western liberal and neoliberal epistemologies, norms, and discourses might inadvertently reinforce the very inequalities that GCE actually seeks to address. By foregrounding the relationship between language, symbolic power, and GCE, we further redesign these teaching materials and incorporate pedagogical and methodological principles which are in line with a critical literacy and symbolic competence.