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We argue for a perspective on bilingual heritage speakers as native speakers of both their languages and present results from a large-scale, cross-linguistic study that took such a perspective and approached bilinguals and monolinguals on equal grounds.
We targeted comparable language use in bilingual and monolingual speakers, crucially covering broader repertoires than just formal language. A main database was the open-access RUEG corpus, which covers comparable informal vs. formal and spoken vs. written productions by adolescent and adult bilinguals with heritage-Greek, -Russian, and -Turkish in Germany and the United States and with heritage-German in the United States, and matching data from monolinguals in Germany, the United States, Greece, Russia, and Turkey. Our main results lie in three areas.
(1) We found non-canonical patterns not only in bilingual, but also in monolingual speakers, including patterns that have so far been considered absent from native grammars, in domains of morphology, syntax, intonation, and pragmatics.
(2) We found a degree of lexical and morphosyntactic inter-speaker variability in monolinguals that was sometimes higher than that of bilinguals, further challenging the model of the streamlined native speaker.
(3) In majority language use, non-canonical patterns were dominant in spoken and/or informal registers, and this was true for monolinguals and bilinguals. In some cases, bilingual speakers were leading quantitatively. In heritage settings where the language was not part of formal schooling, we found tendencies of register leveling, presumably due to the fact that speakers had limited access to formal registers of the heritage language.
Our findings thus indicate possible quantitative differences and different register distributions rather than distinct grammatical patterns in bilingual and monolingual speakers. This supports the integration of heritage speakers into the native-speaker continuum. Approaching heritage speakers from this perspective helps us to better understand the empirical data and can shed light on language variation and change in native grammars.
Furthermore, our findings for monolinguals lead us to reconsider the state-of-the art on majority languages, given recurring evidence for non-canonical patterns that deviate from what has been assumed in the literature so far, and might have been attributed to bilingualism had we not included informal and spoken registers in monolinguals and bilinguals alike.
Während für den monolingualen Erwerb des Türkischen ausreichend Evidenzen vorliegen, dass Kasus innerhalb der ersten drei Lebensjahre erworben wird und Erwerbsprobleme ein sicherer Indikator für SSES sind, ist dies für den bilingualen Erwerb nicht ausreichend geklärt. Die vorliegende Studie untersucht in longitudinalen Daten von ungestörten 18 zwei- bis vierjährigen bilingual türkisch-deutsch-sprachigen Kindern die Korrektheitswerte, Entwicklungsmuster und Fehlertypen in einem Elizitierungstest für Akkusativ und Dativ in der Erstsprache Türkisch. Auch nach dem vierten Lebensjahr sind die getesteten Bereiche nicht von allen Kindern vollständig erworben. Der Kasus ist demnach unter bilingualen Erwerbsbedingungen ein vulnerabler Bereich und als alleiniger Marker nicht geeignet, um zwischen gestörter und ungestörter bilingualer Sprachentwicklung zu unterscheiden. Das häufige Ausweichen auf pronominale Reaktionen und andere Wörter auf Grund lexikalischer Unsicherheiten, verdeutlicht die Notwendigkeit von erstsprachlichen Kompetenzen bei der Beurteilung der Korrektheit der Reaktionen.